Code-Switching

Generational Speak: Investigating Sibling Language Dynamics in Spanish-Speaking Californian Families

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Asher Erkin, Christine Kim, Valerie Morales, Karoline Vera, Camilla Zorzi

Why are younger siblings more likely to be excused for their lack of native language proficiency — and in turn, older siblings expected to be fluent? Following this common perception of bilingual speakers, our group hypothesized that in second-generation, Spanish-speaking households, older siblings would be less likely to produce speech errors and instances of code-switching than their younger siblings when instructed to describe scenes from a popular animated movie, Shrek. By asking sibling pairs to take our survey, transcribing their speech productions, and analyzing their differences in speech patterns in the context of sibling order and other demographic details, we showed that there was no obvious correlation between sibling order and fluency. However, based on self-reported personal experiences that participants believed had influenced their native language production, we observed that there are many more sociolinguistic factors that come into play when determining speakers’ comfort levels switching between their L1 and L2 languages.

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Introduction and Background

While living in Los Angeles, the city with the largest Spanish-speaking population, we wanted to make use of this opportunity to explore the speech patterns that reside in second-generation, Spanish-speaking homes. Research indicates that older siblings often introduce English to their younger counterparts due to earlier and distinct sociolinguistic experiences (Obregon, 2011). Compared to parents, siblings tend to be more open to acquiring English and are more prone to a phenomenon called code-switching prevalent among bilinguals. Schools and jobs they go to provide more opportunities for English exposure, which then promotes bilingualism. In our study, all participants from second-generation, Spanish-speaking families expressed that Spanish is the main language used at home, whereas English is commonly spoken in public places, increasing the likelihood of code-switching. Previous studies reveal that older siblings commonly learn Spanish first at home, then later on learn English through school and friends, which helps them build a stronger Spanish foundation than their siblings due to their earlier exposure. Given that there is strong evidence that multilingual older siblings are often responsible for exposing their younger siblings to English (Obregon, 2011), we hypothesize that older siblings will have a stronger connection to their native language and will produce a more standard Spanish speech than their younger siblings. In this study, we wanted to analyze how sibling interactions in bilingual families impact language development, with key implications for approaches to learning and linguistic support in multilingual communities.        

Methods

We recruited four groups of two or more bilingual siblings from second-generation, Spanish-speaking homes in Los Angeles, California. Each sibling filled out a survey with demographic background questions (age, primary language at home, gender, etc.) and an image-based storytelling exercise showing sequences from the film Shrek. They were given a collection of ten photographs and instructed to tell a story in Spanish. They were urged to record each narration separately so that the stories might be intricate and unique. 90 audio tracks, each lasting under 60 seconds, were generated as a result of this method.

Figure 1. Survey instructions.
Figure 2. A still from a Shrek sequence presented in the survey.

The recorded narratives were transcribed, and we examined the transcripts to look for instances of speech hesitations, code-switching, and self-corrections. Participants were found to be code-switching when they alternated between Spanish and English, and speech hesitations included grammatical, vocabulary, and pronunciation instances. To find linguistic trends in each sibling, we measured how frequently these instances occurred. To see how the language use of the older and younger siblings varied, we compared the results. We reasoned that older siblings would be more comfortable and proficient in Spanish, which would be demonstrated by fewer language switches and fewer errors. On the other hand, we expected the younger sibling to exhibit more frequent code-switching to English. Our goal in doing this type of study was to learn more about how multilingual siblings maintain their Spanish proficiency in a family setting and use their languages in diverse ways.

Results and Analysis

Analyzing the data and the recordings that we transcribed, we noted older siblings had descriptive language, using words and terms that not only described the scene but also described what the characters may be thinking or feeling based on the image. If the older siblings did not know how to describe some of the words, they would use circumlocution or find other ways to describe what gaps or errors they may have in their speech. For example, one of the older siblings described a rake as “que es una escoba, pero no es una escoba.” However, the attention to detail may have led to an issue among some of the recordings. Some of the participants showed a lot of hesitation, manifesting in fillers in their recordings. Some of the younger siblings showed more examples of code-switching and overall grammatical errors from the prescriptive grammar perspective. However, they were relatively strong and capable of showing a strong grasp of the language. However, there is no consistent language use among the older siblings and the younger siblings. The only similarity was the use of the filler words, where the siblings would say “uh” or “um,” which is the English use of the filler word, in comparison to the “eh” use of the Spanish filler word. This means that the siblings were most likely comfortable in English to rely on these filler words despite speaking in Spanish.

Overall, the results of the study were inconclusive. It is clear that there was no common pattern among the older siblings and the younger siblings as described in our hypothesis. In reality, there was a scattered level of grasp in Spanish. Some of the younger sibling participants were better at speaking Spanish in comparison to the older siblings, and there were also older siblings who were more fluent in comparison to the younger siblings. This may have been due to the research design and the way participants were recruited for the experiment. There were even some speakers who stated in the self-reporting that they felt more comfortable speaking Spanglish, a language variety that combines English and Spanish. For example, one participant stated: “…I do speak more English to my siblings, while I do try to speak Spanish, but I do struggle… I speak a mixture of ‘Spanglish’ if anything.” This indicates that the sudden switch to just Spanish may be a difficult switch to trigger. We can analyze Spanglish as “setting the foundations for forming one’s identity, while simultaneously maintaining their culture” (Kaprielian, et al), or as the idea of code-switching and the idea of a language that is characterized by its switch between English and Spanish. This language use has a negative connotation due to its lack of being one language or the other. However, this notion is inherently harmful as it instead shows a unique language identity.

Figure 3. A funny comic about Spanish-English code-switching and Spanglish.

One important point of information to target is the age of the participants, where the oldest participant is 32 years old and the youngest participant is 11 years old. This is an important angle to consider in regards to the analysis. Despite being from similar households, we cannot assume that the siblings emerged in similar language experiences. Thus, this presents a level of difficulty in grasping where each sibling resides in terms of language. This is a complex issue, and we cannot fully comprehend or gather what the upbringing was like for each child, as individual experience or time spent with parents may also demonstrate some understanding in the language differences. The age range of the younger children is another important factor, as the younger children may not be fully able to give a clear analysis given that this is something outside their age range, which is something that needs to be altered in further iterations of this study.

Spanish-speaking identity is an important factor to consider when understanding why there are different levels of fluency among the Spanish speakers. As Spanish is becoming an increasingly common language in California (US Census), people’s relationship with the language is changing. Individual experiences will impact how one approaches the language, as some may feel more comfortable speaking Spanish in public. The identity of being a bilingual speaker of Spanish and English is changing, where the younger generation or the younger siblings may feel pride and adapt their Spanish speaking identity as something they are proud of in comparison to the older sibling, who may have previously rejected this identity of themselves when Spanish was a less commonly spoken language in California. It is difficult to reverse the images and associations that may have been created for the older sibling but instead may be implemented for a younger sibling whose language is beginning to develop. Their understanding of their relationship to language is different in comparison to the older sibling. However, this cannot remain consistent among all siblings and speakers of Spanish, and this will vary greatly through individual experience.

Discussion and Conclusion

We chose to analyze speech errors and instances of code switching to represent the level of fluency of each sibling pair because we primarily wanted to gauge the difference of these productions between the younger and older siblings. We had expected to find that there would be a clear increase in these behaviors for the youngest sibling, though that was not the case — the level of comfort each participant pair had with their native languages seemed to be more reliant on their self-reported levels of exposure than their sibling order. Though our study mainly sought to correlate sibling order with L1 language fluency and thus did not focus as much on objectively analyzing personal experiences and exposures, we believe that relying upon the participants to self report these aspects of their lives gives us enough of an idea of the bigger picture to determine that this was indeed a greater influence on their L1 language production than solely sibling level.

Thus, we observed that for bilingual second generation Spanish speaking households, the level of comfort that a speaker has in switching between their L1 and L2 languages is impacted by many social and cultural experiences that cannot be analyzed with a simple sibling order heuristic. In the future, we would like to perform a more rigorous analysis of participants’ backgrounds — particularly during their early language development — by redesigning our experiment. Instead of requesting a description of 10 screencaps of a popular form of media, we would have asked them to describe a smaller number of their most vivid memories of L1 language usage and learning in early stages of development. While L1 fluency is undoubtedly impacted by individual life experiences that extend beyond this period, this method would allow us to specifically correlate the impact of formative linguistic experiences with their comfort switching between their L1 and L2 languages.

Ultimately, our project idea sought to address one aspect of the stigma within bilingual communities against members who are not fluent in their L1 languages. While older siblings may be expected to be more fluent in their native language than younger siblings due to social expectations or assumptions, we concluded that fluency cannot be solely attributed to this factor. We also encourage readers to be mindful of the fact that the concept of cross-linguistic fluency exists within the rigid and colonial boundaries of natural language. The sociolinguistic factors that affect this trait are more opaque than they may seem, and fluency is simply a matter of being able to quickly categorize linguistic features between L1 and L2 on demand. We hope that this reframing of fluency and natural language shows that perceived markers such as sibling order should not be used to cast judgment upon speakers.

References

Census.gov. (n.d.). U.S. Census Bureau quickfacts: Los Angeles County, California. https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/losangelescountycalifornia.

Kaprielian, L., Santana, O., & Sadiq, S. (2024, May 27). Languaged Life. http://languagedlife.ucla.edu/bilingualism/code-switching-a-phenomenon-among-bilinguals-and-its-deeper-role-in-identity-formation/.

Obregon, N. B. (2011). Older siblings teaching language skills and early literacy skills in their play with younger siblings / Nora Briselda Obregon. University of California, Los Angeles. https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/older-siblings-teaching-language-skills-early/docview/879657630/se-2?accountid=14512.

Shin, S. J. (2002). Birth Order and the Language Experience of Bilingual Children. TESOL Quarterly, 36(1), 103–113. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3588366.

Tavits, M. & Pérez, E. O. (2019). Language influences mass opinion toward gender and LGBT equality. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116(34): 16781-16786. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31383757/.

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“Swag Toh Dekho:” Hindi-English Code-Switching in Bollywood Movies of the Last 30 Years

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Krithi de Souza, Kara Bryant, Sophia Adams, Medha Kini

Bollywood! We know (and love) the films for their grand and magnificent dance sequences, epic love stories, and extra long running times. Bollywood is often referred to as the “Indian Hollywood,” and this Hindi cinema industry has a large fanbase of its own. But how much overlap is there between Bollywood and Hollywood? Is there a strong language barrier that separates them? If you’ve watched a modern Bollywood movie, you would know that English words are often scattered throughout the script or used for funny catch phrases and apologetic remarks. But has that always been the case? In our project, we analyze the code-switching in three different Bollywood movies — Kuch Kuch Hota Hai, Student of the Year, and Rocky aur Rani Kii Prem Kahaani — all made by the famous filmmaker, Karan Johar. Each movie was released in a different decade, and we wanted to know how code-switching in Bollywood movies has changed as time passed. Read more to find out about the patterns we observed as the movies became more recent!

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Introduction and Background

In this project, we decided to focus on changes in code-switching from the 1990s onward in order to analyze how globalization and other factors have impacted screenwriting in Bollywood. Hindi-English code-switching has been a part of Indians’ vernaculars for over a century. Far before the advent of the internet age, British colonial rule led to English being incorporated into Hindi to indicate prestige and education (Rai, 2009). Then, as globalization increased over the last 30 years, particularly through the development of the internet as a global resource, more and more Indians gained access to English content through online means. In addition to formalized English education, the population increasingly consumed media produced in English. This came in the form of professionally developed productions such as English-language movies and television, as well as informal, interpersonal content such as social media videos coming from YouTube, Tiktok, and more. Moreover, the Indian economy liberalizing in 1991 brought more access to things such as satellite TV, social media, and other global market products (Kumar, 2013). All this likely affected how often characters code-switched in Bollywood movies.

Our hypothesis is that code-switching will increase overall as the year of release for the films progresses. In other words, as time passes, code-switching will occur more often and become more prevalent in the films as a result of increasing globalization and access to English media. To measure this, we have chosen three Bollywood movies that were produced across three decades — Kuch Kuch Hota Hai (KKHH) (1998), Student of the Year (2012), and Rocky aur Rani Kii Prem Kahaani (Rocky aur Rani) (2023) — to analyze. They are all written by the same screenwriter, Karan Johar, in an attempt to eliminate variables across different filmmakers’ tastes. They all also come from roughly the same genre, romantic comedies, for the same reason. We will use this data to draw conclusions about how much exposure the effects of globalization had on the Bollywood industry. Furthermore, we will be able to say how English use in Bollywood films reflects English use in different populations within India in real life.

Figure 1. Movie posters from KKHH, Student of the Year, and Rocky aur Rani.

Methodology

Based on existing research, we found many different ways to categorize code switches in movies. Our data collection was modeled after a study done on code-switching in three Bollywood movies from three different decades (Anttila, 2015). We categorized the code-switching into two different types: proper code-switching and loanwords. Loanwords are what we define as phrases that were otherwise incorporated into a Hindi matrix sentence, such as the sentence “तु नहिइ  educated है” or “tuu nahiiN educated hai” (Translation: “You are not educated”). “Proper” code-switching as we are defining it for this research project occurred when characters included full phrases or sentences in English, such as “How are you?” (Bali et. al, 2014).

Watch this short clip to see an example of code-switching in Rocky aur Rani.

Each film was watched by at least two members of our team to minimize errors. While watching the movie, every instance of code-switching by the main characters was tallied into one of these two categories. When multiple instances of English words were uttered in a phrase, we used our best judgment to determine its categorization. We only tallied the code-switching of two to three main characters per movie to minimize variables across character type (age, class, education) and maintain a reasonable scope for project.

Results and Analysis

The oldest movie, KKHH, focuses on a best friend duo. Between those two main characters, they produced 13 loanwords and 58 proper code switches, for a total of 71 code switches overall. The next movie, Student of the Year, was released 14 years later. We counted 193 loanwords and 135 proper code switches across three main characters, or 328 code switches overall. Lastly, Rocky aur Rani came out 12 years after that and had 328 loanwords and 290 proper code switches between two main characters, totaling 618 overall code switches. The total number of code switches across the three movies can be visualized in the bar graph below:

Figure 2. Total number of code switches.

Given the data, our hypothesis was correct. The amount of code switches steadily increased across all three movies. Notably, we focused on one fewer protagonists in Rocky aur Rani, yet it still almost doubled the number of total code switches. Thus, we see that over the last 30 years, English usage in Bollywood movies has gone up considerably.

There were several patterns we noticed while analyzing the code switches. Many of the most common instances of code-switching came from characters using popular English phrases, such as “thank you,” “I’m sorry,” or “you’re welcome.” All of these were considered proper code switches for the purposes of our study, although there was some debate of whether they should be considered a single loanword unit because of how they were tied to one meaning. For example, we never saw a code switch like “thank आप,” or “thank aap” (Translation: “thank you”).

One of the biggest changes we noticed over the years was the use of Hindi-English code-switching in songs. Most Bollywood movies are musicals regardless of genre. Music is inherent to the industry, and we counted code-switching in the lyrics of songs the same way we counted spoken lines of dialogue. KKHH has eight songs, Student of the Year has seven, and Rocky aur Rani has eleven. KKHH had no code-switching in the songs. Every song was sung exclusively in Hindi. Student of the Year had slightly more code-switching in the songs, particularly in Shanaya’s entrance song, “Gulabi Ankhen,” which included many brand names. Additionally, there was one song titled in English, “The Disco Song.” Although the title is not an exclusive indicator of English use in the song itself, it does reveal a trend that English was becoming more accepted in the music side of Bollywood. This pattern continued with Rocky aur Rani, which had two songs with some English in the title: “What Jhumka?” and “Heart Throb.” More importantly, the content of the songs throughout the movie had regular code switches. It appears that songs are more resistant to incorporating English, since KKHH had code-switching in dialogue but not songs. However, by 2024, English was heavily included in Bollywood song lyrics. code This may be related to Shet (2022)’s findings that code-switching in film songs signifies purpose in discourse rather than for “aesthetic” purposes like in dialogue.

Another pattern was the use of brand names as a form of code-switching. Given that English can be a signifier of prestige, this effect is heightened when the code-switching indexes luxury items. Characters in Student of the Year and Rocky aur Rani regularly referenced brands such as Louis Vuitton, Ferrari, Jimmy Choo, and Versace. The character Rocky in Rocky aur Rani did this the most consistently. His character is upper class and frequently mentions his possessions by brand name. Interestingly, his code-switching often indexes a superficial, vapid personality as a result. This counters what Antilla (2015) found in her assessment, that English had become a language of professionalism and accomplishment. Rocky frequently uses English slang, but since he uses it haphazardly and without formal education, he is sometimes considered an idiot by those around him. Therefore, we can surmise that not only is the amount of English code-switching changing, but that its meaning in Bollywood is changing too.

Both code-switching in songs and use of brand names can be seen in the example below, which shows three lines from the verse of the song “Heart Throb” in Rocky aur Rani.

Figure 3. Lyrics from “Heart Throb”

In just this excerpt, lasting six seconds in the song, there are five loanwords: “swag,” “heart throb” twice, “Prada,” and “Gucci.” The line roughly translates to “Look at the swag, it’s like Prada and Gucci gave birth to a son.” Thus, we see Rocky using English slang (“swag,” “heart throb”) and brand names (Prada, Gucci) to signify coolness and style.

Discussion and Conclusion

Our analysis of our three films — Kuch Kuch Hota Hai, Student of the Year, and Rocky aur Rani Kii Prem Kahaani — show a clear trend of increasing code-switching. Since these three films came out in sequential decades following the explosion of the internet age and social media usage, the data supports our hypothesis that globalization and media exposure are driving forces behind these changes. Each film demonstrates a greater frequency of English phrases and loanwords, suggesting that modern day Bollywood films are catering to an audience that is more familiar with an inclusion of English.

However, there are several limitations to our study. In future research, it would be helpful to have access to the scripts, so we can accurately count the number of code-switches used in the films. Our method of manually tallying code-switching instances while watching the movies might not have captured every instance accurately. Having access to scripts that we could read would provide a more precise count and better context for each instance of code-switching. Additionally, we focused on three films from a single filmmaker, which might not fully represent broader trends across the industry.

Future research could address these limitations by expanding our method to include films from various filmmakers and genres and collect data from multiple characters, not just the protagonists. Furthermore, it would be beneficial to perform research confirming the correlation between code-switching in Bollywood and English usage in real life. We could do this by exploring the perception of English among viewers who recently finished watching Bollywood movies. Researchers can also analyze if non-English speakers’ perception of English changes after watching a Bollywood film due to the presence of code-switching between Hindi and English. Another possibility would be to compare native Hindi speakers’ code-switching with that of the fictional characters to see if the frequency is comparable. This would be one way to determine whether Hindi-English code-switching changes when it is scripted versus non-scripted. Therefore, due to this research, researchers can discover the impact code-switching has on society.

Since our research project effectively replicated Anttila (2015)’s project studying three movies from 1988, 1996, and 2005, it will be interesting to see if the use of Hindi-English code-switching will continue to trend upward. Anttila found that code-switching increased over time across her three movies, just like we did. But if this study were performed again another ten years from now, will English in Bollywood movies continue to increase or will it eventually stagnate? Is there a “saturation point” for English usage? At a certain point, the question becomes when is the movie itself “bilingual” rather than the characters?

In conclusion, analyzing Bollywood movies can help assess how English is perceived and used in India. The findings suggest that English is steadily increasing across Bollywood. Since media is a reflection of its society, we can conclude that English access is increasing overall in India, thus reflecting trends of a globalized society and proliferation of digital media. This increase in code-switching suggests that English is becoming more ingrained in everyday society in India, not just as a symbol of prestige but also as a tool for communication. Due to the creation of the Internet and the rise in social media, there is now greater access to English across India. These platforms provided greater access to English content in the media. This creates a positive feedback loop because as more people use the Internet, their exposure to English increases, encouraging them to adopt English in their vernaculars, which in turn exposes more people to English. Our research project highlights the increasing presence of English in Bollywood films, reflecting broader societal changes driven by globalization and digital media.

References

Anttila, H. (2015). “You come-come, memsaab” Code-switching in Sherni (1988), Raja Hindustani (1996) and Dus (2005) (Publication No. 6357) [Master’s Thesis, University of Vaasa]. OSUVA Open Science.

Bali, K., Sharma, J., Choudhury, M., & Vyas, Y. (2014). “I am borrowing ya mixing?” An analysis of English-Hindi code mixing in Facebook. Proceedings of The First Workshop on Computational Approaches to Code Switching, 116-126. https://aclanthology.org/W14-3914.pdf.

Kumar, A. (2013). Globalization and Changing Patterns in the Hindi Cinema Industry. Journal of South Asian Studies, 29(2), 433-448

Rai, A. (2009). English in Postcolonial India: History, Politics, and Cultures. Oxford University Press.

Shet, J. P., & Premkumar G. (2022). To switch and mix or not to: Code switching and code mixing in Indian film songs. Journal of Positive School Psychology, 6(3), 1417-1430. https://www.journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/view/1672.

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Media & Reality All at Once: How ‘Everything Everywhere All at Once’ is doing its best to exemplify our code-switched conversations

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Jacqueline Aguirre, Josiah Apodaca, Kaitlyn Khoe, Mason Uesugi, Wonjun Kim

Code-switching, or the use of more than one language, dialect, or code in an utterance or conversation, can be a way to signal identity. This study compares two sources of code-switching — conversations from media, specifically Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022), and conversations in real life — by categorizing utterances and types of code-switching. This study investigates the representation of code-switching in bilingual media and the similarities and differences to code-switching in daily life. The real life conversations were conducted with Mandarin-English bilinguals, and the two conversations ran for 8 and 10 minutes. The findings demonstrated that intersentential switching occurred more often in this particular media, while intrasentential switching was preferred by the real-life speakers. The various types and functions of code-switching were present in the media, which was expected given the larger sample size and production resources and timelines. Nonetheless, both case studies demonstrated significant levels and mannerisms of code-switching, aligning with the proposed variables and categories. Further studies could utilize other syntactic properties, pitch contours, and tonal articulations in order to auditorily represent accuracies and behaviors of code-switches as more bilingual media makes its way into the American entertainment landscape.

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Introduction and Background

Code-switching (CS) refers to when a speaker alternates between two or more languages, or language varieties, within a single sentence or interaction. Code-switching is a linguistic function mostly used in bilingual speech communities to convey a mutual “in-group” status between speakers, as the ability to code-switch demonstrates proficiency in both of the utilized languages. Our study seeks to answer these questions: How is code-switching represented in media? What are the differences and similarities to code-switching in everyday life?

Deriving from the studies conducted by Shen, Gahl, and Johnson on English-to-Mandarin code-switches, we compared the types of code-switching between Mandarin and English in media, through the 2022 film Everything Everywhere All at Once (EEAO), versus real life to see how accurately code-switching is being represented. The aforementioned study by the researchers suggest the existence of “switch cost,” as the English-Mandarin bilinguals consistently displayed slower reaction times specific to the code-switches in sentence-medial positions, as highlighted in their eye tracking experiment (Shen et al,. 2020). However, while there are many studies giving structure to code-switching, there are fewer applying them to media. 

Our target population for this project were Mandarin Chinese and English bilingual speakers. Mandarin Chinese belongs to the language family of Sino-Tibetan languages, which is under the Sinitic branch (Odinye 2015). Internationally, about 1.3 billion people use the language, being the official language of China and Taiwan (Odinye 2015).

Figure 1. Explanation and examples of code-switching types.

There are three different types of code-switching: tag-switches, which are exclamations, parentheticals or an aside in another language than the rest of the sentence; intrasentential switches, which occur in the middle of the sentence and are typically called code-mixing; and intersentential switches, which occur between sentences (Appel & Muyusken, 2006). We will use these categories in our data analysis to see if some forms of media uphold current code-switching practices.

Figure 2. Explanation of code-switching functions.

Code-switching in a sentence can also serve different functions depending on the speaker, topic, and context of the language used. Researchers Appel & Muyuskend determined six categories as follows: (1) referential, where some subjects or words are more apt for one language, perhaps due to a lack of knowledge; (2) directive, to exclude or include the hearer; (3) expressive, emphasizing mixed identity; (4) phatic, or metaphorical switching; (5) metalinguistic, to comment indirectly or directly on the languages involved; and (6) poetic, which are switched puns or jokes (Appel & Muyusken, 2006).

There is going to be a lot left out about the filmmakers here, but in terms of context about the media that is relevant to code-switching, one of the writer/director duo ‘the Daniels,’ Kwan, is a second-generation Chinese-American. Having been in a Chinese Mandarin and English home environment, he is likely comfortable with engaging in code-switching because of his multilingual parents. One of the producers, Jonathan Wang, hopped on this project also because he wanted to tell a story inspired by his own immigrant parents, so he likely had a hand in ensuring language accuracy, like with the Cantonese, alongside with several translators. With this background in mind, we hypothesized that the movie’s representation of code-switching should be fairly accurate to how speakers code switch in real life.

We hypothesize that the participants and the script should have similar examples and amounts of code-switching in type and function within the given environmental parameters, as established earlier. Our research will help determine whether change is needed in how bilingualism is being represented, or if there is already a solid structure in place for new media to follow.

Methods

Figure 3. Step-by-step breakdown of our methodology.

Our project design comes in two parts: analyzing the media and analyzing a conversation in real-life. The script had both lines as they were spoken along with translations, so we could categorize them based on type of CS. We applied that same process to two conversations, around 10 minutes each, recorded between two sets of participants. They did know they were being recorded but eventually seemed to forget (over a period of around 10 minutes for each set), so the conversation seemed to flow naturally, with them code-switching subconsciously.

Figure 4. Language background of participants and EEAO characters.

We then analyzed the two sources of code-switching and made comparisons. For the screening process, we found our participants based on a language background survey collecting information, such as their L1, L2, and how they acquired their L2, as shown above. The characters’ method of L2 acquisition and L3 is speculated based on context. It is also likely that Evelyn is a simultaneous bilingual in Cantonese and Mandarin. Only the L2 acquisition method is listed, as it is relevant to our focus on bilingual speakers. Two of the participants (John and Daniel) were close cousins to reflect, while not exactly, the close relationship between Raymond and Evelyn. We also had one of them talk to their own mother to see if there would be a change with the different social dynamic. 

Results and Analysis

The table below shows the tallies for the types of code-switching used in the EEAO script (the blue indicating code-switching in media) and the conversations recorded with our participants (green for real-life code-switching). Since the conversations were not exactly the same amount of time, the proportions for each type of CS were calculated by dividing the total for each conversation by the count. There was insignificant information for tag switching in both the script and recordings, so it was left out of the table.

Figure 5. Code-switching frequency in media vs. recorded conversations. Proportion represents type of code-switching used in conversation out of total occurrences of code-switching.

Waymond and Evelyn used intersentential switching more than intrasentential (30 versus 14 times). That pattern is the same for Daniel and his mother (15 versus 11 times), while Daniel and John opted for more intrasentential switching (6 versus 21 times). The type of CS (intrasentential) that is more common for Daniel and his mother, whose language background and fluency matches best with EEAO characters, is the same as in EEAO conversations.

As for functions, each pair (Daniel and John, and Daniel and his mother) were dominant in the referential function, where some words or phrases are more easily expressed in one language. This outcome is likely because of the speakers’ proficiency in their second language — Mandarin. In a self-reported survey, both Daniel and John rated their L2 proficiency as a 3. The expressive and poetic function appear in the recorded conversations (CS was also used to repeat and clarify). The directive function likely does not appear in these conversations because they were recorded in isolated, controlled environments. Had they been in more natural environments, out in public, it is likely that the directive function would appear.

As for the functions present in the EEAO conversation, they were also dominant in the referential function of code-switching, with directive being the second most used. Considering the characters, Waymond and Evelyn, immigrated to America and were likely not exposed to their L2 (English) until later, it makes sense that the referential expression is dominant for them as well. Regarding their use of the directive function, this is most likely due to Waymond and Evelyn being in various environments where there was a third-party to exclude or include (e.g., customers, Gong Gong). Additionally, unlike our speakers, the expressive function does not appear in the movie, but the poetic function does show up once. 

Based on these results, it seems that the code-switching in EEAO supports the theory of the different types and functions of code-switching. When comparing our speakers’ code-switching with the movie, both align in having referential code-switching be primarily used in communication. Though with our speakers, they showed slightly more variety in function, as they covered expressive functions while the movie did not. While the movie significantly used the directive function, our speakers did not. Again, we conclude that this is due to a difference in environments between the speakers.

Discussion and Conclusion

The data promotes the idea that EEAO and its representation of code-switching is accurate. Since Daniel’s code-switching varied based on the hearers (with his cousin versus his mother), the movie’s representation is also accurate in representing how code-switching is employed for differing functions based on environment.

While the conversations and media we analyzed ended up with similarities, affirming our hypothesis of EEAO being an accurate representation of code-switching, further research is needed to extend these results to media in general. After studying natural conversations of English-Mandarin bilinguals, researcher Xitong Zhang found that “the occurrence of code-switching not only depends on the language ability of the speaker, but also the purpose and the environment in which the conversation occurs” (Zhang, 2019, p. 44). One of the ways to expand this study in the future would be to observe participants in more environments and situations over longer periods of time (e.g., recording conversations over the course of a week) because EEAO has more environments. This choice would provide more data for analysis and allow for a richer case study of CS.

It would also help to have participants whose language background better matches the characters even better because Daniel and John did not have the same L1/L2 as Waymond and Evelyn. However, the time constraint of this study provided a limited participant pool to see how identity and linguistic competency affect code-switching.

We could also look into instances of “bad” code-switching in media, likely tied to older media sources, to develop concrete standards of accurate code-switching — including what not to do — for future representations of the bilingual experience. We could just look at more films, maybe in other language pairings, or other sources of media, like TV shows, whether good or bad examples, as well.

In his video essay “English. Language. Movies. Parasite,” Kyle Kallgren studies code-switching in the 2019 film Parasite and the cultural implications of mixing English and Korean in conversation. The Parks, a rich family, often uses English to confide in each other or to establish solidarity with their hired workers. It seems that English is worked into the plot accents, signifying the divide between the poor and rich families. In a similar fashion, language boundaries reinforce relationships in the plot of EEAO, with code-switching being a big part of it.

America tends to fawn over foreign culture without realizing it is their own culture being sold back to them — just accented — which is probably why they find connection to it. There is something to be said about how these two movies employ code-switching as a tool to hint at language hierarchies. Studying the use of language and code-switching in media like this is important for providing a foundation for how to approach appropriate representation in media. There are harmful social implications if one does not consider the influence of how language is used in movies. As language hierarchies exist in reality, noticing and replicating them in media will only reinforce them when they should be dismantled. Understanding how media perpetuates practices in which social classes are tied to certain manners of speaking can help us counteract that.

 

References

Anindita, K. (2022). An Analysis of Code-Switching in the Movie “Luca”. ELTR Journal, 7(1 23-33. https://doi.org/10.37147/eltr.v7i1.164

Appel, R. & Muysken, P. (2006). Language Contact and Bilingualism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Chen, Z., & Liu, X. (2023). Types and Functions of Code-Switching in the Film Everything Everywhere All at Once. Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences, 13, 171-176. https://doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v13i.7889.

Kwan, D. and Scheinert, D. (Writer). (2022). Everything Everywhere All at Once. A24.

Odinye, S. I. (2015). Phonology of Mandarin Chinese: Pinyin Vs. IPA. Quarterly Journal of Chinese Studies, vol. 4, no. 2, p. 51–58.

Reformadita, A., & Setyaji, A. (2021, October). Code-Switching Analysis on Pixar’s “Coco” Movie. In Undergraduate Conference on Applied Linguistics, Linguistics, and Literature. (Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 26-37).

Shen, A., Gahl, S., & Johnson, K. (2020). Didn’t hear that coming: Effects of withholding phonetic cues to code-switching. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 23(5), 1020-1031.

Zhang, X. (2019). Code-Switching in English-Chinese Ordinary Conversations. TESOL Working Paper Series, 17, 38-45.

 

Appendix A

PDF Link for EEAO Script

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The Linguistic Portrayal of Social Mobility in Bollywood Cinema through Hinglish

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Hashim Baig, Siuzanna Shaanian, Georgia Lewis, Jacob Cook, Christian Atud

The rise of English as the global lingua franca has had profound effects on multiple cultures worldwide. One such spot is the Indian subcontinent, especially with the emergence of India from centuries of colonial rule. This paper looks at how Hindi-English code-switching (popularly called Hinglish) in Bollywood films post-2000 both reflects and constructs social identities. It analyzes five contemporary Bollywood films and argues that the increase in Hinglish usage corresponds with characters’ social mobility, still signifying English as a potent symbol of prestige. This research aims to unearth the interplay of dynamics between language usage and perceived social standing in contemporary Indian cinema.

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Introduction

English, being a global language, has influenced many cultures worldwide. One of the most impacted cultures was that of India, a former British colony. One of the most exciting consequences of this influence is the rise of Hinglish — a mixture of Hindi and English — primarily in the context of Bollywood films. Our project will investigate how Bollywood movies use Hinglish as a means of social change by depicting a character as having a higher social status through excessive code-switching into English.

Background

Bollywood is the leading film industry in India, providing fertile ground for the use and experimentation of different languages and linguistic expressions. The most salient is the integration of English into Hindi dialogues, often called Hinglish. This is relevant since some of the more recent films with this thematic feature in the foreground also depict the interaction between the English and Hindi languages as facilitators of social mobility. The fact that English is the prestigious code in Indian society and Bollywood is very influential in molding cultural trends, thus marking these films as good starting points for studying linguistic portrayals of social mobility.

Literature Review and Context

The Colonial Hangover

The continuing popularity of English in India began during the British colonial era, when the English language was used in administration and education. Within this context, the English language symbolized both sophistication and higher social status. Chandra (2014) says that in recent times, English has become a fashionable aspect of filmmaking in India, “associated with modernity and prestige.” Chakraborty (2022) also mentions what he refers to as the ‘Colonial Hangover.’ Knowledge of English, he says, is equated with higher social status and respect.

Bollywood’s Linguistic Landscape

Even in their language use, Bollywood films reflect changes in society. According to Rao (2010), English is identified with modernity and prestige; Hindi, however, is an intimate language of traditional values. Furthermore, this dichotomy has been depicted using code-switching. Context and social aspirations govern the switch between Hindi and English.

Code-Switching as a Tool of the Narrative

Si (2011) holds that code-switching is not random but rather a narrative device in Bollywood movies. English words or phrases are inserted into Hindi dialogues to portray a character’s social mobility, education, or cosmopolitanism. The present paper seeks to understand how, drawing from these studies, such linguistic choices could potentially stand synecdochally for social mobility in contemporary Bollywood films.

Project Design

This paper endeavors to examine and find evidence of any relationship that may exist between patterns of code-switching and the rise and fall of the characters’ social status in five films: Thank You for Coming (2023), Sukhee (2023), Laapataa Ladies (2023), Mission Raniganj: The Great Bharat Rescue (2023), and 3 Idiots (2009). The reason these movies have been selected for this purpose is that they essentially belong to a genre of ‘rags-to-riches’ stories and because they have been widely viewed.

Methodology

Collectively, we utilized a mixed-methods approach; qualitative content analysis was combined with quantitative frequency measures. We analyzed under what context code-switching occurs. That is, for particular scenes, social interaction and visual information related to socioeconomic status. We also counted the frequency of code-switching. We grouped each instance of code-switching into one of two categories: light and heavy. Light code-switching refers to sporadic insertions and alternations of English into Hindi, as well as forms borrowed from English. Heavy code-switching would refer to the use of extended English expressions, sentences, and rapid switching between English and Hindi. Each instance was counted across different narrative stages: exposition, rising action, climax, and falling action. Hopefully, through such an examination, we may develop insight into how Hinglish use is representative of social identities and how code switching shapes them in Bollywood films.

Results and Analysis

In this research, we found that there was a moderate use of light phrases in middle socioeconomic environments, with much more frequent usage towards and between people in high social positions. Light phrases are pervasively used in these environments and are almost entirely used for referring to specific items such as “boreholes” or “walls,” as well as specific titles such as “Sir” or “Doctor.”

Figure 1. Relative Distribution of Light-Switching: Categories. This pie chart summarizes the relative distribution of the types of light switching observed in this study. A majority of the switches were used to refer to nouns or specific nouns. Each category is defined by its context and use case. Discrimination was made between titles and nouns, as their use cases were notably distinct.

In this study, the average amount of light utterances per movie totals to around 400 phrases. Of those 400 phrases, about 25%, on average, include non-noun switching. This subset mostly consists of expressions/sayings (e.g., ‘Thank you,’ ‘I’m sorry’) and modifiers (insertion of adjectives, adverbs, etc.). Of the nouns, it is worth noting that a majority of these utterances are a form of borrowing from western culture. These include scientific/official names (e.g., ‘Carbon Dioxide,’ ‘Instagram’) and specific titles (e.g., ‘Doctor,’ ‘Sir,’ ‘Upper Management’). In especially institutionalized contexts, such as in educational or professional settings, this tendency is much more pronounced, as it would correlate with intelligence and competency. It is akin to using proper jargon when in an official discussion between peers or co-workers. Although nouns and titles share similar linguistic qualities, a distinction must be made between the two in order to account for their differing use cases. Titles, in particular, were commonly used towards individuals of high standing as a form of politeness and respect in a professional setting. One of the most common examples of this would be the usage of the word ‘Sir’ towards high ranking individuals. It is also worth noting that verbs were more commonly used in heavy switches and see little to no usage in light switches. This is largely due to the usage of English verbs in command/directive phrases rather than as a simple insertion/alternation. Most commands would be issued by an individual with authority and power. This would lead to the switching of the entire sentence to English, which would give the order a more serious/official connotation and allow the individual to leverage their position.

In regards to heavy code-switching, we observed 40-70 instances of heavy switching per movie, on average. This number would fluctuate depending on the overall setting of the movie. Movies set in professional settings, such as Mission Raniganj, would see a higher usage of heavy code-switching as a marker for ‘officiality.’ This trend exists because a much larger cast of characters are depicted as ‘intelligent’ and ‘powerful’ enough to use these forms. Heavy-switching forms can also be split into several categories: extended sayings/proverbs, official conduct, and narrative effect. The frequency of each category would also depend on the movie genre, with action movies opting for more instances of official conduct. Official conduct, in this study, would be a character’s tendency to use English as a medium to denote seriousness, power, and hierarchical respect. Medal ceremonies, press conferences, and board discussions would include many instances of ‘official’ code switching. Usage of English for narrative effect would mostly be tied to specific characters as part of one’s personality and could be used to highlight/exaggerate a powerful point during the movie. Such instances include the usage of English to look cool, smart, or funny. On the topic of sayings and proverbs, scriptwriters would use large English expressions to flesh out a specific character’s identity. One character, for example, would use the expression “I know this place like the back of my hand” as a catchphrase to denote professionalism, while also being entertaining for the audience.

Another interesting finding includes intentionality when switching between English and Hindi. We found several instances where rapid switching between English and Hindi would depend on the context and emotion behind each utterance. Some pivotal scenes would hinge on the differentiation between officiality and intimacy. Moments where a character must command/exert one’s authority in an official manner would invite the use of English. In moments of weakness, intimacy, and affection, characters would often switch back to Hindi. This finding runs similar to Rao (2010)’s findings, where he would describe this tendency as a “preservation of Indian values.”

To demonstrate this, we can take a look at an example from the movie Mission Raniganj.

Figure 2. Mission Raniganj. Protagonist Rescue Officer Gill (Left) confronts main antagonist Director Technical Dayal (Right) in front of a board of managers (Mission Raniganj: The Great Bharat Rescue, 2023, 1:40:32). Gill and Dayal each appeal to the managerial board using both English and Hindi. When appealing to status, they switch to English. Conversely, they switch to Hindi when appealing to emotion.

In this scene, the main character, Gill, is the main rescue officer in charge of rescuing 70 miners who were trapped in the Raniganj Colliery. Gill is rich and depicted as intelligent, calm, and heroic in a majority of the scenes he appears in. The other characters in this scene, such as Director Ujwall and Director Dayal, are all well-dressed and depicted as intelligent, powerful people. In this scene, the managing board is picking out an individual to head into the mines through a borehole to help manage the manual rescue of the miners. CO2 gas is forming, making the operation potentially lethal. Director Dayal, in an attempt to steal the credit, says: “No, we can’t be so selfish; [Gill has a bright future]; we can’t send a talented officer [down to sacrifice his life].” Gill responds: “Thank you for your concern sir, but I promise you, [I will have my morning tea with you].” The blue words that are within brackets represent phrases in Hindi, whereas all other words are mentioned in English.

This scene demonstrates the intentional switching between English and Hindi in an official setting. Here, we see both individuals speak in English when formulating an official response, such as Gill’s appreciation and Dayal’s request. They both, however, intentionally switch to Hindi when appealing to emotion and intimacy. This scene is powerful and successfully depicts Gill as not only intelligent but magnanimous in a way that parallels Indian values.

Film Analysis Examples (Excluding the already discussed Mission Raniganj)

  • Thank You for Coming
    • Brief Summary: Kanika Kapoor is the lead character. This 32-year-old unmarried girl lives with her mom and grandmother. Kanika goes on a journey searching for love and sexual satisfaction for herself, getting intertwined along the way with her college friend, a professor, and much later with some guy called Rahul. Nothing seems to satisfy her enough for her to reach that satisfaction. She learns that during depression, particularly after breakups or on her birthdays, Kanika finds support from her best friends, Pallavi and Tina.
    • Scene Example: In the first five minutes of the film, a young elementary school Kanika gets in trouble with her principal and asks to leave because she announces during a school play that their presentation of “conception” is incorrect and not how babies are made, but rather men and women “must have sex.” Following this formative memory and pivotal scene, the film cuts to Kanika’s mother speaking to the principal in Hinglish: “I don’t want to confuse my child, Miss Kukreja. Main ek clinic chalata hoon aur mareez aate hain-” (Translation: “I don’t want to confuse my child, Miss Kukreja. I run a clinic and patients come-”).
    • Visual Cue: Kanika’s mother is dressed in a floral suit jacket and pants as she communicates with the principal, who is much older than her mom. The principal is noticeably older and dressed in a sari. Her hair is perfectly curled, and she wears mid-sized purple hoop earrings.
    • Analysis: In Thank You for Coming, the mother of the protagonist repeats what her daughter has been telling her regarding how serious she is in going back to school, which she finds professional, in Hinglish. In the real sense, her daughter discusses with her classmates about sexual intercourse, which is not appropriate to her. Her use of the word “clinic” in English shows the pride she wants to pass on to the principal, implying that her work is medical. She then further reiterates that with English, saying “I do not want to confuse my child,” and stressing the gravity and formality of the issue at hand. This again pushes home the fact that she is a medical professional, hence her daughter’s excellent knowledge of sex.
  • Sukhee
    • Brief Summary: This light-hearted film narrates how Sukhee, an exuberant 38-year-old Punjabi housewife, gets tired of living a monotonous life and books herself a flight to Delhi for her high school reunion. Over that week, Sukhee rediscovers her teenage self and more; she got to experience new things for the first time in her life that brought back a zest for living. Through this journey, she undergoes a dramatic transformation from her housewife-mother duo role to rediscovering and asserting the woman within.
    • Scene Example: Towards the end of the film, after the crazy ups and downs of a reunion adventure, Sukhee and her three girlfriends are shown to have reunited and are sharing lessons learned and goals set for themselves. This emotional ending has the women sharing their plans for growth and evolution. One of the friends, Mansi Parekh, shares her goal-cum-intention, which contains a heavy amount of code-switching: “Central sunishchit karunga ki meri agli naukri mein mujhe respect, promotion, aur equal opportunities milein.” (Translation: “In my next job, I’ll assure respect, promotion, and equal opportunities.”)
    • Visual Cue: The frame contains the four ladies dressed in relatively executive but casual clothes. Mansi, for instance, is dressed in a traditional blouse and denim. As all four pose in the camera frame, they demonstrate the increasing connotation of relative wealth and distance from the ideas of poverty, while maintaining the idea of closeness in their talk about future aspirations and promises to each other. Here, at the outset, Mansi is shown code-switching to express her goals and to “exaggerate and intensify” the need to achieve them (Alam & Quyyum 2016). The words “respect,” “promotion,” and “equal opportunities” are translated into English to show what makes them so vital and imperative. This also automatically infers an acknowledgment of the prestige factor because she fights for something that is her right, and by using English, she demonstrates her achievement of some type of social status.
    • Analysis: Here, Mansi is employing code-switching for the portrayal and “amplification as well as emphasis” of the desire that her demands be fulfilled sequentially. As Alam & Quyyum (2016) states: “respect,” “promotion, and “equal opportunities” are in English so that she lays stress on the importance and necessity of it. It automatically carries with it respectability as well because she is struggling for something she has to get. The use of English emphasizes the achievement of a particular social status.
Figure 3. Alam & Quyyum’s Functions of Code-Switching (2016). Alam & Quyyum (2016) describe the functions of code-Switching in conversational language. In relation to this study, several of Alam et al.’s findings provide reasons as to why characters code-switch regardless of the ‘weight’ of the code-switch. In this instance, the scriptwriters of Sukhee use English as a means to ‘amplify & emphasize’ Mansi’s desire for positional power. This is further exaggerated by India’s perception of English as a formal, powerful language.
  • Laapataa Ladies
    • Brief Summary: This is a story of two newlywed brides who get mixed up in a crowded train shortly after their weddings. One bride ends up with the wrong husband, Manohar, after landing at their destination, and they stay together until their situation can be resolved. It turns out that this bride is being abused by her just-married husband. When the two reunite, he slaps her, and therefore, she happens to be freed. They later find Manohar’s wife and reunite. The mixed-up, now-free bride is sent back to school to pursue her dreams.
    • Scene Example: In the following example, a character employs code-switching for just one word: “Kaise be? Hum to bahut saal se try kar rahe hain, kho hi nahi rahi sasuri…” (Translation: “How? I’ve been trying for many years, the damned thing is not going away…”)
    • Analysis: In contrast to examples of intra-sentential code-switching, this sentence only uses a singular English word: ‘try.’ It’s important to mention that an equivalent word for ‘try’ exists in Hindustani, so this is not merely an example of borrowing. Since no connotative meaning would be foregone if the native word were used, the reasons for employing this word would be social or linguistic. This word happens to be one syllable, as opposed to the Hindi word for ‘try.’ A quicker onset or lexical retrieval may be another reason for code switching in instances like this.
  • 3 Idiots
    • Brief Summary: This was a story about the friendship of three engineering students, and a satirical take on the societal pressures of the Indian education system.
    • Scene Example: During a classroom scene, one character uses Hinglish to make a point: “Sir, yeh formula toh practically impossible hai apply karna.” (Translation: “Sir, this formula is practically impossible to apply.”)
    • Visual Cue: He is shown in a prestigious engineering college, reflecting his academic aspirations.
    • Analysis: This student provides the most compelling example of using Hinglish during classroom discussion while he shows his learning journey through the use of 3 Idiots. Such switching tells that this character feels comfortable in both Hindi and English. It is a widespread phenomenon found in most urban educational institutes in India where the language of instruction is English. Hinglish allows the character to put his ideas across much better since the technicality of English is complemented by the conversational ease of Hindi. The same selection also exemplifies the pressure and tensions that an Indian student experiences in such an extremely stressful learning environment, where proficiency in English is equated with academic and professional success. The use of English terms such as “practically impossible” emphasizes the technicality of the discussion and how well the character is acquainted with academic vocabulary pertinent to the discussion, which is also an example of the fusion of cultures and languages common to modern Indian writing.
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Discussion and Conclusions
Our results elucidate the social mobility aspect of English usage and code switching in Indian cinema. In the films we analyzed, those who used more English were depicted as having a higher social status, better education, and better job prospects than those who used mostly or exclusively Hindi. The lexical decisions of Bollywood script writers is pertinent in this context, as well as Indian society as a whole, given the oversized impact that these movies have on the culture of South Asia. As such, code-switching in Indian cinema is reflective of broader social perceptions of English and its associations with coolness, erudition, etc.

India has more than a billion people. Given our small sample size of five movies, we are not able to make sweeping generalizations about code-switching in Indian society outside the context of its cinema. If we look at code-switching as a plot device used by Indian moviemakers, we are able to better understand the implicit interpretations of such language usage and thus, how it correlates with class and other socioeconomic indicators. This paper focused on several linguistic aspects of code-switching, including the syntactic category of the English words used. Overall, our statistical analysis is in line with previous findings on this topic, that is to say, that mostly nouns and titles are used in intra-sentential code-switching.

 

References

Balabantaray, S. R. (2020). Impact of Indian cinema on culture and creation of world view among youth: A sociological analysis of Bollywood movies. Journal of Public Affairs. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2405.

Chakraborty, O. (2022). Prevalence of Colonial Hangover in Bollywood Movies with Primary Focus on Queen and English Vinglish. https://www.questjournals.org/jrhss/papers/vol10-issue5/Ser-1/G10053338.pdf.

Chandra, S. (2014). Main ho gaya single I wanna mingle…: An evidence of English code-mixing in Bollywood Song Lyrics Corpora. 16(1). https://www.researchgate.net.

Mahbub-ul-Alam, A., & Quyyum, S. (2016). A Sociolinguistic Survey on Code Switching & Code Mixing by the Native Speakers of Bangladesh. Manarat International University Studies, 6(1). https://www.researchgate.net.

Rao, S. (2010). “I Need an Indian Touch”: Glocalization and Bollywood films. Journal of International and Intercultural Communication, 3(1), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/17513050903428117.

Si, A. (2011). A Diachronic Investigation of Hindi–English Code-Switching, Using Bollywood Film Scripts. International Journal of Bilingualism, 15(4), 388–407. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367006910379300.

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Cultural Identity Maintained Through Code-switching among Immigrant Generations in a Dominant English Country

Sociolinguistics

The United States is often hailed as a country of immigrants, but in reality there are complex social and cultural factors which play a role in the U.S. immigrant experience, one of the greatest being language. While the U.S. has no official language, English is the predominant means of communication, and plays a large role in multi-generational communications of immigrant communities. Our research seeks to answer: how does code-switching between English and native languages influence identity formation and social interactions among different generations within immigrant communities? Through participant observation and interviews at Los Angeles Latino and Chinese American church communities, we found that first-generation immigrants code-switch more often in work and public environments, whereas second-generation immigrants code-switch for the sake of multi-generation communication. Overall, we demonstrate that through code-switching, immigrant families and subsequent generations struggle to balance assimilation into American culture and the ability to preserve their cultural identity.

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Introduction and Background

According to Pew Research (2020), “more than 1 million immigrants arrive in the U.S. each year.” With the arrival of various ethnic groups to the United States, and integrating themselves into American culture, new cultural exchanges emerge. Nevertheless, discrimination against migrants persists, hindering their integration and sense of belonging. Consequently, migrants often assimilate into the dominant hegemonic groups’ culture – rejecting their own.

Because of the ongoing presence of discrimination, it is crucial to understand the impact of dominant ideologies on both first-generation migrant communities and subsequent generations.

Language plays a key role in identity formation, with immigrants often teaching their children their native languages to maintain cultural ties. However, pressures to adapt to the dominant culture often lead parents to prioritize English as a first language. So how does learning your native language influence your identity and that of your children amidst a society that prioritizes English as the official language? Multiple studies have focused on code-switching as a form of expressing cultural identity (Bosire 2006). According to Myers-Scotton (1993), code-switching is defined as the mixing of different codes (or languages) by speakers in the same conversation (video explanation on code-switching). Moreover, scholars have also highlighted code-switching as a form of learning (Kremin et al. 2022) and socializing (Wei 1995; Lee 2019). Yet, Rangel et al. (2015) have critically emphasized the amount of stigmatization code-switching continues to receive. For this reason, our research focused on code-switching among immigrant communities in the United States, particularly focusing on the contrasts and similarities between first-generation and subsequent generations of immigrants. This study contributes to the wider discussion of code-switching as we explain from a sociolinguistic perspective how migrants and subsequent generations express their identity in a country where non-standard languages are viewed as inferior to standard English. Through qualitative methods, this research answers the following questions: how does code-switching between English and native languages influence identity formation and social interactions among different generations within immigrant communities? Our findings show that through code-switching, immigrant families and subsequent generations struggle to balance assimilation into American culture and the ability to preserve their cultural identity.

Methods

We collected data from two different churches in the Los Angeles area, with participants from Chinese and Latino/a descent communities. We used both participant-observation and semi-structured interview methods. The former was to note how speakers interacted in public spaces, specifically those that are similar in purpose. The latter was to hear the opinions of our participants about their language use.

Our observations took place in group settings, during which we took notes on verbal and non-verbal interactions between three groups: first-generation, second-generation, and a mixed group of both. We chose to limit the time of our observations to 15-25 minutes (due to assignment and situational constraints). In interviews, we spoke to two first-generation parents from each ethnic demographic (Latino or Chinese), ranging from middle-aged to older adults, and with one of each of their (second-generation) children, ranging from young to regular adults.

After data collection, we first compared answers within the most specific group, for example, responses from first-generation Latinos or from second-generation Chinese Americans. Then, we compared the data between generations within the same immigrant group (e.g. responses from Latinos), and the same generation between immigrant groups (e.g. second-generation responses). These were chosen as the methods for analysis because they forced us to consider all possible nuances between the various groups and once we had data for a set of the smaller groups (same generation & ethnicity) we could accurately compare the data for the larger groups (ethnic vs generational).

Results

Figure 1: Comparing code-switching experiences between first-generation immigrants and second-generation immigrants

The table illustrates the comparison between first-generation immigrants and second-generation immigrants. We observed various factors of code-switching between both generations and discovered that there is a major difference in the context of code-switching. First-gen has been found to code-switch more often and will code-switch in the context of their root community’s events or situations that require using English. On the other hand, second-gen has been found to code-switch less in general. Code-switching behavior only occurs when they are speaking to people whose first choice of language is Spanish or native Spanish speakers.

Discussion and Conclusions

In conclusion, our findings touch on the importance of language use and perspectives from the first and second generations, particularly with an emphasis on the role played by code-switching among the groups. This research seeks to delve into the effect that code-switching brings in the process of identity formation and socialization of immigrant families and the generations. Therefore, it looks deeper into individual experiences and perspectives to understand the complex position this language takes in this domain. However, language behaviors observed among first and second-generation immigrants more than confirm that code-switching is the most effective tool through which to fully understand the subtleties of bilingualism and acculturation.

First-generation immigrants are struggling to learn and use English in respect to their native languages, and this shows a conscious choice to balance between assimilation and retention of culture. This has been seen in situations where some people never saw English as very important compared to their mother tongue; and that has also seemed to be the area of difficulty in integration, but to them, it’s an area of great importance. For code-switching of second-generation immigrants, it shows some ways that language influences identity and integration with society. These show movement away from an identification with American culture and toward the linguistic assimilation of their parent-native languages. Others maintain strong ties to their cultural heritage by being bilingual. They illustrate perfectly how family and personal language attitudes condition one’s approach to code-switching as a means of bicultural identity navigation. This approach further infiltrates the appreciation of code-switching as a changing and context-bound practice that reflects the challenges and opportunities presented to immigrant communities in maintaining their linguistic heritage in another environment. In this dimension, it calls for comprehensive recognition of multifarious language roles within the experience of migration. We also must observe the aspect of functionality and symbolism, and ultimately, consider the wider implications for the number of cultural identity, social integration, and intergenerational shifts.

While the researchers question the negative stamp of code-switching and non-standard language use, rather, it encourages a broader acceptance of bilingualism, or on a higher level, even of multilingualism, that respects the differences in the use of languages. This work was undertaken in order to remove the stigma from practicing code-switching, keeping in view the positive aspects of bilingualism, which pertains to strengthened cultural ties and increased flexibility of personalities. Overall, our research offers new and interesting data, bringing relevant insights and contributions to research in sociolinguistics on code-switching among immigrants. Through empirical evidence we have shown how practices of identity, cultural preservation, and adaptation intertwine with language practices. This highlights how complex the nature of language used among immigrant communities is and does provide a window into socio-cultural forces which are at play on code-switching and bilingualism. This serves to open further investigations into the complexity of the relations between language, identity, and community in diverse sociolinguistic contexts.

References

Bosire, M. (2006). Immigrant Identity: Code Switching among Kenyans in Upstate New York. In Selected Proceedings of the 35th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, ed. John Mugane et al., 44-52. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

Budiman, A. (2020, August 20). Key findings about U.S. immigrants. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/08/20/key-findings-about-u-s-immigrants/.

Cher. L. L., (2019). Filling gaps or code choice? Code-switching across generations in colloquial Singapore Mandarin. Global Chinese 2019; 5(1): 1–24. https://doi.org/10.1515/glochi-2019-0001

Kremin, L. V., Alves, J., Orena, A. J., Polka, L., & Byers-Heinlein, K. (2022). Code-switching in parents’ everyday speech to bilingual infants. Journal of Child Language, 49(4), 714–740. doi:10.1017/S0305000921000118

Rangel, Natalie., Loureiro-Rodriguez, Veronica., & Moyona, Maria Irene. (2015). “Is that what I sound like when I speak?”: Attitudes towards Spanish, English, and code-switching in two Texas border towns. Spanish in Context, 12(2), 177-198. https://doi.org/10.1075/sic.12.2.01ran

Wei, Li. (1995). Code‐switching, preference marking and politeness in bilingual cross‐generational talk: Examples from a Chinese community in Britain. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development,16(3), 197-214, https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.1995.9994600

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The Persian Identity Crisis

Sociolinguistics

This study delves into the intricate relationship between language practices and the construction of individuals’ sense of belonging and cultural identity, with a specific focus on the Persian language, also known as Farsi. For second-generation Iranians residing in Los Angeles, this linguistic journey takes on a multifaceted nature, as they navigate a complex interplay between Farsi and English. This often leads to the adoption of code-switching, a phenomenon where individuals seamlessly alternate between the two languages, colloquially referred to as ‘Finglish’ or ‘Pinglish.’ Through interviews and observations within Iranian diaspora communities, this research aims to answer the following question: “Have Persians lost their self-identity and how is this reflected in language use? Our results would shed light on explaining how language proficiency, cultural adaptation, and social dynamics intertwine to shape the nuanced ways in which code-switching serves as a mechanism for negotiating and expressing multiple cultural identities, thus shedding light on its implications for Persian identity.

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Introduction

The complex relationship between language practices and the construction of individual identity within diaspora communities is an interesting area to study, particularly in the context of second-generation Iranians residing in Los Angeles. Our project focuses on the Persian language, also known as Farsi, and its role in shaping cultural identity among the demographic. In the hugely diverse and multicultural landscape of Los Angeles, navigating between Farsi and English becomes a complex journey, often manifesting in code-switching or more commonly known as “Finglish”. Through a mix of interviews and observations within the Iranian diaspora, it begs the question: Have Persians lost their identity? Furthermore, what language traditions have changed to reflect that language might be a casualty of this identity crisis? Does a change need to happen to regain a sense of identity within the Fasi-speaking communities? By unraveling the complexities of language proficiency, cultural adaptation, and social dynamics, we seek to illuminate how code-switching serves as a mechanism for negotiating and expressing multiple cultural identities, thereby offering insights into the implications for Persian identity in diaspora settings.

Background

When we examine Iran’s rich history, it becomes evident that Iranians possess a heritage steeped in antiquity, vastly different from the modern Iran that it is today. This historical depth is intricately interwoven with the Persian language, serving as a tangible reflection of Iran’s multifaceted evolution. Among some Iranians, regardless of their location, Persian is revered as a cultural benchmark, embodying resilience and continuity across generations. However, the accessibility of resources pivotal for preserving and nurturing Persian proficiency varies among Iranian Americans. While some benefit from cultural events, media outlets, and language courses, others encounter barriers that impede their linguistic immersion and connection to their community.

Thus, many Iranian Americans resort to “code-switching,” a practice where an individual uses two or more language varieties in the same speech event or exchange, as defined by Woolard (2004). Within the diaspora, instances of code-switching manifest in colloquial phrases such as “is so zesht” to denote something ugly or rude, or expressions like “Kheili cute-eh,” signifying endearment. However, code-switching often elicits skepticism within the diaspora, particularly among native speakers. They perceive it as a departure from correct language usage, thereby exacerbating a disconnect between generations and contributing to the evolving linguistic landscape of Persian.

This disconnect is even more evident in the results of the ACS data analysis conducted by Bozorgmehr and Douglas (2011). Their findings reveal a notable linguistic divide within the second-generation Iranian diaspora: while 40% reported proficiency in Persian, a striking 98% acknowledged fluency in English, underscoring the prevalence of English as the dominant language of communication. As second-generation Iranians struggle with the intricacies of their linguistic identity amidst shifting cultural landscapes, this study sheds light on the nuanced dynamics shaping contemporary Persian language usage within the diaspora.

Figure 1: Persian language use among first-generation and second-generation Persians

Furthermore, in the middle of this linguistic mismatch, most of the participants in this survey acknowledge only speaking Persian, while speaking with their group of friends in Farsi alongside English. As a result, diaspora youth unknowingly serve as informal language brokers, facilitating the seamless exchange and merger of both languages in their daily lives. This informal linguistic exchange not only highlights the intricate interplay between cultural adaptation and identity creation but also demonstrates the adaptability of the second-generation Iranian diaspora.

Discussion

The information discussed in this section is a widespread concern among the Persian diaspora. It is a common question of whether Persian is being taught enough, and if not, why parents are not teaching their children Persian. Although the first generation of Iranians overwhelmingly understands Persian and could teach it to their children, they choose not to due to Persian’s position when compared to English. Should a parent teach their child Persian to keep the language alive, and thus risk their child’s ability to speak fluent English, or do they teach their child English first and risk their child’s ability to speak the native tongue well? When framed against the financial success of the Persian diaspora, it makes sense that many would stray away from teaching Persian, even when they could do so.

Survey

To get a better grasp of Persian Identity, we conducted a brief survey on the UCLA campus and asked participants, mainly of Iranian backgrounds, whether they believe that Persians have lost their self-identity or not. When we gained our participant’s answers and compared them to our original hypothesis, the data shown below was not surprising to us, however, what followed next was:

Figure 2: Have Persians lost their self-identity?

Figure 3: Are Persians represented correctly in the media?

Survey Experiment Conclusion

From the two surveys that we conducted, the data clearly showed us that most Persians do not believe that they have kept their original identity and almost all of them agreed that the media’s coverage of Iranians does not help at all to fix this issue. When we take the findings we gathered from this experiment and combine them with our other data, we constantly see the same trends and conclusions about the Iranian people and their identity which will be discussed in more detail below!

Discussion and Conclusion

When we take a moment to evaluate all of our data and findings that we have stated so far, it is clear to us that the Persian people have lost their identity to some shape or extent. As shown, a lot of our data and participants believe this to be true for the most part and many agreed that for the Persian community to regain their identity and status, something must change with the Iranian Regime (government) representing them back in Iran. Although we do not have public data on this topic many of our participants and even articles universally agree that a direct change to the Iranian regime influences the words views and perceptions of the Iranian people. Overall, we are pleased to report that our original hypothesis of how “Persians have lost their self-identity” is to at least some extent true and the continued destiny of whether it remains true or not simply depends on the actions that the Iranian government and Iranian people continue to take.  

References

Bozorgmehr, M., & Douglas, D. (2011). Success(ion): Second-Generation Iranian Americans. Iranian Studies, 44(1), 3–24. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27919961

Woolard, K. A. (2004). Codeswitching. In A. Durantic (Ed.), A companion to linguistic anthropology. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.

Survey Results

M150 Project Survey

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CODE SWITCHING!: A phenomenon among bilinguals and its deeper role in identity formation

Bilingualism

Leon Kaprielian, Octavio Santana, Sahil Sadiq

In an era marked by globalization and multiculturalism, the phenomenon of code-switching has emerged as a crucial aspect of language dynamics and identity formation among bilinguals. The complexities of code-switching, its popularity, and its deeper ramifications for people navigating many linguistic and cultural domains are explored in this research. We examine how code-switching is used in immigrant communities as a tool for social interaction, identity negotiation, and effective communication through a multidisciplinary lens that takes into account linguistic, cognitive, cultural, and social factors. Based on naturalistic observations and interviews with Farsi, Spanish, and Arabic bilingual speakers, we investigate the complex patterns of code-switching in various age groups and social circumstances. Our research shows that code-switching is a reflection of complex social dynamics, such as social hierarchy, respect for elders, and the maintenance of cultural identity, rather than just a linguistic issue. This study emphasizes how crucial it is to comprehend language practices in a multicultural and globalized world by shedding light on the significance of code-switching in forming people’s identities and social structures.

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Introduction

Code-switching was formerly thought to be a linguistic oddity, but research has since shown that it is a regular aspect of language use. It illustrates the intricate interactions between linguistic, cognitive, cultural, and social elements that influence social interaction and identity formation. Determining the mechanics of bilingualism and multiculturalism, illuminating the complex ways language influences social structures and human interaction requires an understanding of code-switching. 

What is code-switching?!

Code-switching is the fluid transition between two or more languages in a single discourse and is an effective communication and identity-negotiation technique for immigrant communities. Moreover, it is a great way for individuals to build rapport with members who speak the same language.   The informal aspect of this will lead to a higher frequency of code-switching and a willingness to express one’s cultural identity, as opposed to a formal environment.  In terms of the types of code-switching, it comes in three forms, intrasentential, intersentential, and tag switching.

Figure 1: Types of code-switching: intersentential, intra-sentential, and tag-switching

New to code-switching? Here are the methods we used and how you can do it too!

In this post, we’ll discuss methods used for collecting the data that include studying code-switching in a natural environment, and with the authentic use of language by bilingual or multilingual speakers. One of the ways we are going to collect the data is by naturalistic observation. This involves observing naturally occurring conversations in its most pure form, which is essentially the most authentic form of data collection by bilingual and multilingual individuals. To give an extra set of diversity and universality in this regard, there are going to be 3 languages discussed: Farsi, Spanish, and Arabic.

Results

Farsi (Dari)

There is a difference in the amount of code-switching in regards to whether a Gen Z immigrant is speaking with their own age group or with elders.  In Farsi, when one is speaking with elders, it occurs at a much higher frequency and it is more on the “Intersentential” level.  The reasoning is due to 1) Innate understanding that the elders prefer the native language 2) The elders’ proficiency in English is not as advanced.

In regards to when the Gen Z bilinguals speak amongst themselves, there is more English spoken, and during the naturalistic observation, the ratio was 80% English to 20% Farsi.  When the code-switching did occur, unlike with the elders, which (was usually intersentential), it was intrasentential and tag-switching. 

Figure 2: Frequency of code-switching among Farsi speakers (Example: “Bro he’s extremely نابغه (genius) when he explains things. – this is an example of tag-switching)

Lastly, although naturalistic observation was the main method to keep the results as organic as possible, interviews with 2 of the Gen Z members were held to articulate and discuss potential biases and limitations.  One of the members (20 years old) said the code-switching just happened naturally without much thought.  The eldest in the observation (29) said that he does it naturally but also consciously, either due to the fact certain words in Farsi seem articulated better, and also to build rapport with the group culturally, which ties into our main thesis that the phenomenon of code-switching is usually intimately linked to one’s cultural identity.

Spanish

To continue, Spanish and English bilingual speakers tend to gravitate towards an unofficial language, Spanglish. This is when English and Spanish are combined in conversation. Spanglish is a form of code-switching, setting the foundations for forming one’s identity, while simultaneously maintaining their culture.

The method used was a naturalistic observation of a phone call between a bilingual speaker and their parents. They answered the phone in English, just like they do with friends and people of the same age. Spanish was used rarely and the language used had no link to what type of person they were speaking to. The phone then got passed to the speaker’s grandma, and that is when the bilingual speaker started speaking only Spanish. The Spanish the speaker used were easy to decipher that they were speaking to someone of an older age because words like “usted”(you) and “mande”(excuse me) were used. These are formal words and are used when speaking to strangers or elders.

After tallying up the number of formal words used in the phone call, all of them came when speaking Spanish, except one coming from English. The research shows that code-switching can occur within a family and also how a change of language is made to show respect. The same goal could not be achieved with English, since Spanish has an emphasis on formal speaking, causing the speaker to have a complete shift of identity when code-switching.

Figure 2: Frequency of formal words used between Spanish and English from a bilingual speaker

Language is inherently tied to respect when concerning age, class, and gender in Spanish, showing how language can shape the way one thinks.

Arabic

Bilingual Arabic speakers are more likely to use religious jargon (inshallah, mashallah) when interacting with parents and other elders. When speaking to friends, siblings, and cousins they are most likely to speak a 70/30 mix of English and Arabic in contrast to a 20/80 mix when speaking to Elders. Another important consideration is the intonations and accents used for certain words when speaking each language. Because Arabic and English have a very different set of sounds, the same word can be pronounced differently depending on the spoken language. For example, most native speakers of both English and Arabic know that Pepsi – with a p – is the correct pronunciation of the soda, however, they will still pronounce it like Bebsi with a b sound when speaking Arabic. This is done to signal that the speaker is native in Arabic and is part of the Society of native Arabic speakers who do not use the P sound.

Discussion and Conclusions

All three languages investigated truly show just how intricate and complex languages are, especially when it comes to code-switching. Our research shows how code-switching plays an extremely crucial role in forming one’s identity and how it goes beyond just language. It reflects social dynamics like social status, respect for elders, and cultural identity preservation. Our study contributes to the gap of knowledge of understanding how native languages travel down from generation to generation in immigrant families in America, and how code-switching shapes who we are and the social groups we belong to.

References

Albirini, A. (2011). The sociolinguistic functions of codeswitching between Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic. Language in society, 40(5), 537-562.

Heller, M. (2020). Code-switching and the politics of language. In The bilingualism reader (pp. 163-176). Routledge.

Kachramanian, C. (2021). Bilingual Interactions: An Investigation into Code-switching and Its Purposes among Armenian-Dutch Bilinguals.

Klavans, J. L. (1985). The syntax of code-switching: Spanish and English. In Proceedings of the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (Vol. 14, pp. 213-231). Amsterdam: Benjamins.

Martin-Jones, M. (1995). Code-switching in the classroom: Two decades of research. One speaker, two languages: Cross-disciplinary perspectives on code-switching, 90-111.

Myers‐Scotton, C. (2017). Code‐switching. The handbook of sociolinguistics, 217-237.

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Do actions really speak louder than words? Exploring Nonverbal Communication at UCLA Through a Lens of Internationality, Identity Formation, and Socialization

Sociolinguistics

Fanny Berger, Alyssa Cole, Helena Hu, Hunter Sarmiento, Makayla Smith

This article focuses on channels of nonverbal communication across different cultures; primarily, the study conducted aims to better understand differences in including, but not limited to, gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture across different cultures. A secondary focus was also shifted to understanding how people of different cultures interpret and perceive each other’s body language in a conversational context, and to the extent to which they feel comfortable understanding others’ nonverbal communication styles. The study was conducted in two rounds: preliminary data collection was performed across UCLA students of different cultural backgrounds, with a deeper dive into select respondents from different cultural backgrounds through extensive interviewing. Respondent data reflected that most nonverbal communication is influenced by cultural upbringing and interpreting body language from someone of a different culture proves to be a challenge for most, demonstrating the impact of culture, identity, and community on how one interacts with the world.

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Introduction and Background

In America’s melting pot, communication transcends cultures as people of different cultural backgrounds are in constant contact with one another, whether that be through school, work, or day-to-day living. However, beneath the surface of words lies a complex web of nonverbal cues that often serve as the silent language of our interactions. These cues, ranging from facial expressions and gestures to physical positioning and body language, play a crucial role in conveying meaning and go hand-in-hand with verbal communication in socialization and acts of interaction (Phutela, 2015). Within this realm of nonverbal communication, culture plays an essential part. According to what a culture determines, there can be several meanings attached to one form of nonverbal communication, thus making cross-cultural communication all the more necessary to understand (Jabber & Mahmood, 2020).

Today, nonverbal communication is more important than ever—advanced video technology has enabled computer-mediated communication to expand the benefits of face-to-face communication, now making non-verbal communication available in multiple formats. Here at UCLA, over 106 countries are represented within the 2023-24 school year student body, meaning that people from all over the world can connect face-to-face in both academic and non-academic settings. We became interested in understanding the meaning of nonverbal communication across different cultures, specifically how these gestures and behaviors relate to having a sense of social belonging in a culturally diverse community like UCLA.

Methods

We employed a two-step process to conduct our research and answer our primary research question: How does nonverbal communication across cultural groups contribute to one’s identity and ability to participate in various social settings, such as forming friendships and interacting with peers and professors?

The first phase involved a preliminary Google Form meant to collect data on undergraduate students at UCLA and their understanding of the relationship between body language and their culture, as well as their perception of body language within other cultures. The survey was spread through social media and word of mouth, with additional outreach to cultural clubs on campus to recruit respondents. Via the survey, we were able to collect demographic information such as one’s year at UCLA, gender identity, and cultural identity. Respondents were then asked to rate themselves on a scale regarding how comfortable they felt in nonverbally communicating or interacting with other students and faculty on campus. Similarly, they were asked to detail any instances in which nonverbal communication was misinterpreted as a result of their sociocultural differences. The collected data was then transformed into visual illustrations, such as graphs and spreadsheets, which provide indications for how people of different cultural backgrounds both understand and participate in nonverbal communication.

In the second phase, we reached out to individuals who had engaged with our survey and collected a total of five interviews from individuals from China, South Korea, Hungary, Spain, and Taiwan. Through our interviews, we were able to gain a deeper understanding of nonverbal communication and its impacts concerning cultural identity and one’s lived experience on campus. Additionally, we learned about personal experiences in which miscommunication or misinterpretations have occurred after using nonverbal communication with someone from a culture different than their own. Our respondents were able to elaborate in more detail than on their prior responses on the Google Form and explain their understanding of nonverbal communication across sociocultural contexts and interactions on campus and beyond.

Results and Analysis

Our research project on nonverbal communication between various cultural groups provides some important insights into how cultural background affects the interpretation of nonverbal cues in a variety of social contexts. The project’s survey and interview data revealed that a substantial majority of participants (76.2%) agreed that their cultural backgrounds—which included people from Chinese, South Korean, British, Taiwanese, Spanish, Hungarian, and Indian backgrounds—have an impact on their nonverbal communication, which includes gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture (Figure 1). The study also found that the three most common nonverbal communication techniques used by people with these cultural identities are facial expressions, gestures, and eye contact (Figure 2). However, 47% of the respondents reported that they felt uneasy interpreting nonverbal cues from other cultures (Figure 4), and another 24% said that they had experienced a misunderstanding of nonverbal cues from someone of a different cultural background (Figure 5). These results demonstrate the nuanced function that nonverbal cues play in cross-cultural relationships, showing that these cues can both help and hinder connection between people of different cultural backgrounds in their attempts to understand each other.

Furthermore, our results yielded information regarding socialization and identity formation on campus. Through our survey and interviews, we were able to understand that students form in and out-groups according to feelings of acceptance or isolation associated with their nonverbal communication style. The students we interviewed explained that perceived cultural influences in their nonverbal communication caused them to feel a sense of social “othering” by American students who positioned themselves above these varying cultural identities due to their variation from the American, hegemonic standard at UCLA. With this, students embodied feelings of anxiety and disconnection that enabled them to develop in-groups with other international students, while feeling like a collective out-group from American students and faculty. Similarly, our research further supports the elimination of universal forms of nonverbal communication as both the expression and interpretation of nonverbal communication differ widely according to culture. This is additionally evidenced by students’ use of code-switching in nonverbal communication on campus. Many students expressed that they picked up on more Americanized forms of nonverbal communication, such as being more forward with their gestures and body language, and adapted their own forms of nonverbal communication to conform with this standard. For example, in our interview with a South Korean student, she expressed that she has a nonverbal linguistic repertoire of both South Korean and American influence and can “tap into” each form of nonverbal communication depending on who she is talking to. Through our research, we were able to gather data on the importance of nonverbal communication in identity expression, social and scholastic inclusion, and sociocultural power dynamics.

Figure 1: Cultural Influence on Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Definitely.

Figure 2: Most Common Forms of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the forms of nonverbal communication. The X-axis represents the number of responses.

Figure 3: Cultural Importance of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.

Figure 4: Comfortability in Interpreting Nonverbal Communication from Different Cultural Backgrounds. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.

Figure 5: Cultural Influence on Misunderstandings in Nonverbal Communication.

Discussion and Conclusion

Our results illuminate that a multitude of misunderstandings within nonverbal communication arise from a difference in sociocultural upbringing. Although our results were specific to UCLA students, our research on nonverbal communication and its cultural ties serves as a model for further understanding and analyzing the implications of nonverbal communication on socialization and identity formation. College campuses are known to be extremely diverse communities, bringing in students from all around the world, thus replicating a larger world context through a social and scholastic lens. In this context, we were able to understand that cultural background largely influences how people both express and interpret nonverbal communication. Misinterpretations, as well as feelings of social isolation, were directly tied to cultural differences in nonverbal communication, with students expressing their need to code-switch and conform to American standards of nonverbal communication to feel fully comfortable interacting on campus. It is these nonverbal misunderstandings that play into the larger phenomenon of miscommunication due to cultural differences, thus pointing to the need to study this subject further.

The main point of our study was to provide awareness of a struggle that many students experience at UCLA, but, similarly, what many people face on a day-to-day basis around the world. We want to provide empathy regarding differences in communication and how cultural influence should be recognized and accepted instead of stigmatized. It is essential to understand how cultural identities influence nonverbal communication to not only ensure ease in interaction and information sharing, but to also ensure that all individuals, no matter their cultural background, feel included and understood. We hope our project further sparks discussions about nonverbal communication and its sociocultural influences in order to increase cross-cultural competence, enhance empathy, and educate others on the importance of communication.

References

Akkilinc, F. (2019, August). The Body Language of Culture. International Journal for Innovation Education and Research, 7(8), 32-39. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335689301_The_Body_Language_of_Culture

Jabber, K. W., & Mahmood, A. A. (2020). Non-verbal communication between two non-native English speakers: Iraqi and Chinese. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 10(2), 189-196.

Kirch, M. S. (1979). Non-Verbal Communication across Cultures. The Modern Language Journal, 63(8), 416-423. https://www.jstor.org/stable/326027

Phutela, D. (2015). The importance of non-verbal communication. IUP Journal of Soft Skills, 9(4), 43.

Ren, Z. (2014). Body Language in Different Cultures. US-China Foreign Language, 12(12). https://doi.org/10.17265/1539-8080/2014.12.008

Rugsaken, K. (2006). Body Speaks: Body Language Around the World. NACADA. https://nacada.ksu.edu/Resources/Clearinghouse/View-Articles/Body-Language-Around-the-World.aspx  

Thompson, J. (2023, May 15). How Much of Communication is Nonverbal?. The University of Texas Permian Basin. https://online.utpb.edu/about-us/articles/communication/how-much-of-communication-is-nonverbal/ 

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Spanglish – The Art of Code-Switching

Bilingualism

Devan, Jessica Jary, Malia Salgado, Mao Mao, Valeria Carreon

In Hispanic neighborhoods, “Spanglish”— a linguistic practice that combines Spanish and English—has gained popularity as a way to communicate, even if some people do not realize that it involves code-switching. While the Chicanx and Latinx community is made up of people from a wide range of backgrounds, most of them are Spanish-English bilingual. In this research project, our group sought to investigate that when they are being interviewed, whether the Spanglish bilingual individuals would tend to code-switch, or rely heavily on one specific language while still understanding the other. We chose this research focus because we believe that studying the connection between the mixing of languages and the topic of conversation, as well as finding how often speakers code-switch, can help other Spanish-English bilingual speakers learn the semantics behind each individual code switch, thus breaking language barriers. We hypothesized that because of the participants’ daily reliance on both English and Spanish, code-switching via Spanglish would be prevalent in the interviews we conducted.

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Methods

In order to test our hypothesis, we decided to interview five to ten individuals who are able to understand English and Spanish and speak both languages to varying degrees of fluency. Our interviews consisted of ten questions, five were asked in English and the other five were asked in Spanish. The participants were interviewed individually in various environments and locations, and through various methods including questionnaires, phone interviews, recorded disputes, and gossip interviews. The age range of our participants is from 18 to 55. All of them come from Mexican households and are either first or second-generation immigrants, but all described themselves as bilinguals and having spent the majority of their lives in the United States. Our younger interviewees have all lived in the United States for their entire lives and have learned Spanish from the older generations, whereas the older interviewees all immigrated to the United States in search of a better future, and they picked up English after their immigration. Nevertheless, our research is able to determine that members of this community code-switch and employ Spanish in their everyday lives, despite the fact that these participants come from very diverse origins. For the interviews that were specifically on ages 18-25, we noticed a more noticeable code-switching when answering the question. For our tables below we witness that younger interviewees felt more comfortable jumping in between languages. They use more words like “pues” “ósea” “si” “no”. Another example we can look at is this dialogue that was said during the interview by a 19-year-old.

Question: “What do you wanna be when you grow up?”

Answer : “ Social media marketing, algo asi”

Question: “What was your favorite childhood meal?”

Answer: “Rice and beans, revueltos?”

Question: “Cual es tu vacación ideal?”

Answer: “ Tropical area in a small town and like an ocean front house, view”

Question: “La mejor fiesta que haz tenido?”

Answer: “When I was eighteen”

Figure 1: Uses of Spanish, English, and Spanglish among interviewees

Whilst interviewing our older interviewees between the ages of 35-55, we noticed that these individuals tended to try to stick to speaking one language whilst answering the questions. 3 out of 4 of the interviewees in this category that we interviewed chose to answer all questions in English even though their native language is Spanish. As a result of Spanish being their dominant language whilst answering the 10 questions, these interviewees struggled quite a bit while trying to come up with English responses. Even though they were struggling, these 3 individuals stuck to answering in English even though they understood they could answer questions in Spanish, which we can see in the example below.

(During the beginning of an interview, she started speaking English and stated “My name is” before proceeding to tell me she would much rather speak en Español/ in Spanish. Additionally, she usually answered the questions I asked in English in the same language) :

First question

Question: What did you want to be when you grew up?

Answer: “Nurse”

Question: “Why did you want to be a nurse?”

Answer: “Because I like it. Take care of the kids.”

Second question

Answer: “Chile rellenos, rice, and beans”

Question: “Why do you like rice and beans? What do you like about them?”

Answer: “Because my mother show me how to make it when I was little kid.”

Third question

Answer: “My plan for tomorrow. Work. I have to work.”

Fourth question

Answer: “Aliens– That’s not real. I don’t believe in that.”

Fifth question

Answer: “Sunday– When i’m not working I go to the church with my sister sometime.”

Question: “Do you like going to church?”

Answer: “Yea”

With this, we concluded, and observed distinct dynamics in the nature of conversation for interviewees, which prompted us to make adjustments throughout the process. Notably, individuals aged 30 and above, primarily parents or older adults, approached the interviews with a more formal tone. They consistently responded in the language the question was initially posed, even if English presented some challenges for them. However, the interactions with friends and close family members, ranging from 18 to 25 years old, established a more relaxed atmosphere. This rise in comfort level led to much more frequent code-switching for the older adults, as they seamlessly shifted between the two languages. Recognizing that a strict question-and-answer format might yield more formal responses, we decided to incorporate recorded conversations on various topics. Subsequently, our findings indicated that the frequency of code-switching was less influenced by the relationship dynamics and more by the nature of the conversation topic. This discovery led us to uncover numerous instances of code-switching in these recorded discussions.

Discussion and Conclusions

Overall, our research successfully validated our hypothesis through multiple avenues of investigation. Notably, we demonstrated that Spanish-English bilingual speakers transition between codes more often than they may think. Moreover, a pattern surfaced during our research: participants tended to match the language used in the responses in formal interviews that were organized around predetermined questions. Nevertheless, in more relaxed conversational contexts, this pattern did not continue. Instead, participants were able to switch between languages with ease in familiar settings, even mixing vocabulary from both linguistic domains. This highlights the profound interacting influence of Hispanic culture and American culture on the Spanglish bilingual speakers, and showcases the intricate dynamics of living with two languages daily. It further underscores the evolution of Spanglish as a unique linguistic bridge, allowing us to forge a connection between both languages. Moreover, it emphasizes the significant presence of the Spanglish-speaking community, providing a touching connection to their ancestral roots while fostering a sense of closeness to the newly found home.

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Code Switching Across Generations in Bilingual Families

Bilingualism

Paulina Martirossian, Veronica Rojas, Itxhel Lozoya, Cambrya Melendez, Ashlyn Claustro

Have you ever wondered how code-switching and bilingualism can differ depending on the person you are communicating with? Do you feel that it can have an impact on relationships that are formed between people among different generations? This study explores how bilingual individuals across many generations who speak Armenian and English or Spanish and English may alter their approaches to communication when interacting with certain people. Additionally, we were curious to find out whether or not the closeness of people’s relationships affects their formality when communicating and code-switching. In order to find results, we conducted numerous semi-structured interviews and listened in on the conversations between college students and their relatives, while paying attention to word choice, syntax, and grammar when speaking. We concluded that (87%) of our interviewees believe that their relationship with their elders determines the formality of their communication style, often leading to difficulty when expressing oneself. By studying code-switching and bilingualism, we discovered a relationship between identity and communication that spans across generations.

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Introduction and Background

Throughout our research, our target audience is the diaspora of bilingual individuals of a variety of age ranges, who speak either Spanish and English or Armenian and English. Our main goal is to focus on code-switching and the ways in which people of different generations communicate with one another. From our research, we sought to understand how students’ perspectives on being bilingual play a crucial role in understanding how speaking two languages can have an impact on their daily lives as they socialize with elders and people of their age. Prior to conducting any of our research, we hypothesized that Spanish and Armenian bilingual individuals would speak with more formality when with older family members and switch to speaking with less formality when with those whom they are closer to in age and relationship.

Methods

We looked at bilingual students who spoke English, and either Armenian or Spanish. We wanted to look at interactions between older and younger generations, so we focused on college students, as well as two parents with college children to have a contrasting perspective. Listening to phone calls allowed us to figure out which language was being used and when, although this method only allowed us to listen to one side of the conversation. We did this to see if there was a specific timing or reason that bilingual speakers switched the language being used. Another element we listened for in these phone calls was how formally college students were talking to those who were older than them. We determined formal speech by whether the speaker used slang, curses, or other language that would not be considered proper when speaking to the older generation. For Spanish speakers, the formal ‘usted’ was an indication of formal speech. After listening to phone calls, we also conducted interviews. The interview questions we used were open-ended and the same questions were used for all participants. We decided to use open-ended questions to allow freedom in responses. The questions asked can be found below, but all had to do with the participants’ thoughts on bilingualism as well as how they interact with those of the older generation.

Results and Analysis

Figure 1: Summary of interview questions and answers

Discussion and Conclusions

In conclusion, our research has provided us with valuable insights into the intricacies of code-switching among bilingual individuals within the Spanish-English and Armenian-English speaking diasporas. By focusing on intergenerational communication patterns, we have uncovered the significance of word choice and formality levels in interactions between different age groups. Our findings highlighted that the main influential factor for one’s word choice and formality of speaking was having respect for older individuals with whom they are communicating as such respect is a cultural facet. This evidence sheds light on the intricate connections between language, cultural norms, and social relationships, showing how language use is shaped by both internal and external environmental factors. Overall, our research has given us an extensive and comprehensive understanding of the nuanced ways in which bilingual individuals communicate in various social situations.

References

Babino, A., & Stewart, M. A. (2017). “I Like English Better”: Latino Dual Language Students’ Investment in Spanish, English, and Bilingualism. Journal of Latinos and Education, 16(1), 18–29. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2016.1179186

Heredia, R. R., & Altarriba, J. (2001). Bilingual Language Mixing: Why Do Bilinguals Code-Switch? Current Directions in Psychological Science, 10(5), 164–168. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20182730

Hua, Z. (2008). Duelling Languages, Duelling Values: Codeswitching in bilingual intergenerational conflict talk in diasporic families. Journal of Pragmatics, 40(10), 1799–1816. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2008.02.007

Mata, R. “Bilingualism Is Good but Codeswitching Is Bad: Attitudes about Spanish in Contact with English in the Tijuana – San Diego Border Area.” Critical Inquiry in Language Studies, vol. 20, no. 4, 2023, pp. 386–407, https://doi.org/10.1080/15427587.2022.2136672.

Meisel, J. M. (1994). CODE-SWITCHING IN YOUNG BILINGUAL CHILDREN: The Acquisition of Grammatical Constraints. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 16(4), 413–439. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44487780

Additional Sources

Mia Nacamulli: The benefits of a bilingual brain | TED Talk: This video discusses the benefits of being bilingual while putting into perspective individuals that navigate the world through two different cultures.

Code Switching in Bilingual Development: a video showing examples of children coded-switching to give readers an audio/visual representation of what code-switching is

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