heritage speakers

Is Instagram the New Duolingo? Investigating How Social Media Usage Affects Heritage Language Competence

Bilingualism

Sarah Bassiry (Sky), Anna Harutyunyan, Akina Nishi, Jasmine Shao

Diaspora communities and heritage language speakers are a very unique population when it comes to language and bilingualism. Heritage speakers vary greatly in their language skills, language background, and environment. As heritage speakers are generally exposed to their heritage language only at home or in other limited contexts such as a cultural community group, this study investigated to see if social media may also be a context of heritage language exposure for some heritage speakers. If so, this study investigates the role social media might play in language competence. Four Eastern Armenian and four Mandarin heritage speakers attending UCLA and one native speaker in each language, were participants in this study. The participants were given a language background survey, a grammaticality judgment test, and an elicitation task judged by a dominant native speaker using a Likert scale. Initially, we expected to see a positive correlation between social media usage in the heritage language and the participants’ heritage language skills. However, the results did not provide sufficient evidence to support this hypothesis. Thus, further testing with a larger sample size is recommended to further investigate whether or not there might be a correlation.

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Introduction and Background

The concept of bilingualism is interesting to discuss in the context of heritage speaker populations, as these groups include speakers of a vast variety of language competence. Heritage language speakers ‘may or may not be frequent users of the language or exceptionally proficient in the language” (Mahootian, 2000). Many heritage speakers are also receptive bilinguals, which Nakamura (2019) notes, “does not imply zero production of the weaker language but highly limited language use in interaction.” These speakers usually have strong listening and comprehension skills but weaker production skills in their heritage language.

This study sets out to determine if there is a correlation between heritage speakers’ social media consumption in their heritage language and their competence in that language. A prior study on bilinguals and newspaper consumption conducted by Moring (2011) et al., found media to be an instrumental resource in maintaining language competence. Flewitt and Zhao (2020) also conducted a study investigating the relationship between heritage speakers and social media usage. In their study, they observed two adolescent Mandarin Chinese heritage speakers and their usage of WeChat to connect with relatives in the heritage language. They found that WeChat acted as a “springboard to include multilingual practices” and facilitated a motivating environment of supportive feedback from interlocutors for their language to grow.

Given the previous research in the field, we hypothesized that our study would show that more frequent social media consumption in the heritage language will be correlated with a higher degree of language competence. Previous studies have noted that in the case of young children, engagement with social media often involves “several types of learning and socialization occurring all at once” (Zhao, 2019). In this study, we aimed to observe the role social media activity plays in the heritage language competence of young adults at UCLA.

Methods

The population this study investigated was heritage speakers of either Mandarin or Eastern Armenian who attend UCLA, testing 4 participants for each language. This project utilized survey methods, grammaticality judgment tasks, and elicitation tasks to investigate the research questions.

Our general survey asked participants basic questions regarding demographics, social media usage in the heritage language, and information regarding details of heritage language background and exposure. Two separate grammaticality judgment tests with 20 questions each were created by bilingual speakers of each language from the research team. The Eastern Armenian task tested plural suffixation and word order, the morphosyntactic structure of the language. The Mandarin task tested participants’ knowledge of aspect markers and measured words. We chose to test structures that differ from English, which are commonly lost by heritage speakers. They also included romanization and audio recordings of the tasks to account for the varying degrees of literacy.

The elicitation tasks consisted of a story-retelling exercise where the participants were virtually shown an animated short story from Youtube in the heritage language and then asked to retell the story in the heritage language. A Likert scale was then used by a native speaker to judge each participant’s fluency levels as they viewed the recording of the participant’s elicitation.

Results

Figure 1. Self-Evaluated Language Interaction Survey Results (Eastern Armenian).
Figure above shows that more than half of the participants use social media in their heritage language and received formal education in Armenian.

The participants in the study varied in the production and comprehension levels of their respective heritage languages, and their use of social media in the heritage language.

Eastern Armenian heritage speakers varied in their production and comprehension levels of the language. Based on the results of the elicitation and grammaticality tasks, it appears that receptive knowledge is not necessarily related to expressive knowledge. For instance, the native speaker ranked participants B2 and B3 as the lowest proficient speakers of the heritage language, but these same participants had two of the highest scores for correctly identifying grammaticality judgments in their heritage language.

Figure 2. Grammaticality & Elicitation Tasks Results (Eastern Armenian).
Figure above shows that participants had varying results on the grammaticality judgment tasks and the elicitation task. Only B4 has high scores on both tasks.

Additionally, the Eastern Armenian heritage speakers who score the highest on the elicitation and grammaticality judgment tasks consumed social media in various amounts, ranging from rarely or never to as frequent as daily consumption. Participants B2 and B3 scored the highest on the grammaticality judgment tasks, but B3 said that they rarely or never consume social media in their heritage language, while participant B2 did so on a daily basis, in formats of video, audio, and text. Participant B4 scored highest on the elicitation task and the second highest on the grammaticality judgment tasks, and used social media in the form of Instagram video multiple times a month. Lastly, participant B1 scored the lowest on the elicitation task and had a somewhat low score on the grammaticality judgment task. They consume social media in their heritage language on a weekly basis in the form of audio and text.

All in all, the data from our Eastern Armenian speakers does not represent any correlation between social media usage and heritage language competence.

Figure 3. Self-Evaluated Language Interaction Survey Results (Mandarin).
Figure above shows that more than half of the participants received formal education in Mandarin and only a quarter of the participants use social media in Mandarin.

Our Mandarin heritage speaker participants also varied in their levels of fluency. Diverging from the lack of relationship we observed in Armenian, those who performed highly on one test usually performed highly on the other. Only one of our four participants for Mandarin, participant A2, expressed consumption of social media in Mandarin, and this participant also had the highest score on the grammaticality judgment tasks. This speaker could serve as one data point to support our hypothesis that heritage language social media consumption is correlated to higher levels of retention in the heritage language. However, participant A4 scored second highest on both tasks, but they do not consume social media in Mandarin. Participants A1 and A3 also do not consume social media in their heritage language and received lower scores on both tests. Although the rough possibility of a correlation exists in the Mandarin data set, there is not enough evidence to definitively support our hypothesis.

Figure 4. Grammaticality & Elicitation Tasks Results (Mandarin).
Figure above shows that participants had varying results on the grammaticality judgment tasks and the elicitation task. Only A2 has high scores on both tasks.

Discussion and Conclusion

As a result of our investigation, we were unable to find supporting evidence for our initial hypothesis that higher social media consumption in the heritage language corresponds with higher competency in the heritage language. Some factors that led to this conclusion is the lack of concrete and frequent social media usage among the participants. For instance, in the Mandarin heritage speakers cohort, participant A2 claimed they use social media and received the highest scores on both tasks as seen in Figure 4, however, participant A4 who claimed they don’t use social media got the second-highest scores in the task. Similarly, in the Armenian heritage speaker cohort, participants B2 and B3 received similar results in both tasks (Figure 2) and the two highest on the grammaticality judgment task. However, participant B3 claimed they use social media never/rarely, while participant B2 uses social media on a daily basis. The contrast can be thought of to be due to formal instruction in the heritage language.

Our new finding, formal education, correlated with higher scores on both tasks.  For instance, participants B2, B3, and B4 received formal instruction in learning Eastern Armenian. The Mandarin heritage speaker who performed the highest on both tasks, A4, also received formal education in Mandarin. This correlation was of interest for other scholars who claim that the lack of formal education has negative effects on the acquisition of the heritage language; children who don’t receive formal education do not learn the formal registers, vocabulary, and complex structures in written language (Montrul, 2010). Our data reflects the aforementioned claim as the participants who did not receive formal instruction in Eastern Armenian and Mandarin performed the lowest or second lowest on the grammaticality judgment task which tests their knowledge of the language grammar. While formal education can be a factor that influences higher competency in the heritage language, this correlation has to be interpreted in terms of production or grammatical knowledge. This is because the participants who received formal education performed well on the grammaticality judgment task, but not as well on the elicitation task. These results show that analysis between formal education and heritage language competency should be further investigated.

Another factor that can influence the participant’s competence in the heritage language is the age of exposure. There is contrasting data on how the age of exposure relates to language competence. Proponents of the Critical Period Hypothesis claim that children should be exposed to a language at a certain age to be able to acquire it native-like (Mahootian, 2020). Others claim that other factors such as ‘the child’s temperament or motivation’ can affect their learning of a language (Yuldasheva, 2021). In our research, we found that 7 out of the 8 participants in our study claimed that they were exposed to their heritage language from 0 to 3 years old, with one exception, A4, who claimed they were exposed to their heritage language from 4 to 8 years old. In addition, more than half of the participants, 5 out of 8, claimed that they were exposed to both English and the heritage language at the age of 0-3, simultaneously. The participant who performed the best on both tasks in Mandarin claimed to have been exposed to English and Mandarin simultaneously from the age of 0-3. The participant who performed the best on both tasks in Eastern Armenian stated that they were exposed to English from the age of 4-8 and Armenian, from the age of 0-3. This shows that age of exposure may not play a major role in the heritage speaker’s language competency. Perhaps, the difference lies in simultaneous and sequential bilingualism. Age of exposure to the heritage language may be a sufficient factor in the heritage language competency, however, this factor has to be accompanied by other factors, perhaps, social media consumption and formal education in the heritage language.

Another finding is that there may be a correlation between longer attendance to formal instruction and higher social media usage. Social media in the heritage language provides an extension to the traditional classroom setting. Going back to Zhao & Flewitt’s case study, heritage language speakers’ language practices on WeChat extended their “Chinese-speaking social world and provided them with opportunities to engage in contextualized, transnational heritage language and literacy practices beyond their home and Saturday Chinese school environment.” (Zhao & Flewitt, 2020). We could make the claim that formal instruction and social media in the heritage language complement one another to learn, and a longer history of instruction may motivate the bilingual speaker to seek more natural and conversation-based learning environments, such as social media.

 Overall, claiming that the heritage speakers’ competency in the heritage language correlates with their social media consumption would be invalid based on the findings of our research. Other variables that can account for this contrast are formal education in the heritage language or age of exposure to the language. Perhaps, formal education in the heritage language could account for these three heritage speakers’ higher performance on the grammaticality judgment and in one of the cases, the elicitation task. In a similar manner, the age of exposure to the language can be a variable that influences the results. A detailed analysis above shows that these are sufficient factors of heritage language competency and the limitations of our study prevent further research into these variables. Some of the limitations of our study include a smaller sample size. With a larger sample size, the findings of our research could be more reliable and generalizable.

However, it was interesting to see a small sample size showcase such a wide variety of language proficiency. Bilingual heritage speakers have unique backgrounds in their heritage language because of many internal and external factors, such as “the role of the school system and other institutions, the historical experiences of particular language communities, the unique circumstances involved in the adoption by some communities or individuals of proxy HLs as part of the complex multiple identities of contemporary life, and the specifiable impact of a language ecological pattern over the life cycle of individuals and families” (Lo Blanco, 2001). Our participants had different characteristics, such as high proficiency in listening but lower proficiency in writing, or vice versa, as well as the amount of formal education, ranging from a couple of years to over 10 years.

For future research, if these methods are adapted, we suggest that elicitation tasks are performed in an in-person setting rather than virtual, where the native speaker listens to the heritage speaker’s elicitation and rates them in person. Additionally, the elicitation tasks should be reviewed by different native speakers. We believe that these changes will allow the results to be more reliable and generalizable.

References

Lo Bianco, J. (2001). Language Policies: State Texts For Silencing and Giving Voice. Difference, Silence and Textual Practice: Studies in Critical Literacy, 31-71.

Mahootian, S. (2019). Bilingualism. Routledge.

Montrul, S. (2010). Current issues in heritage language acquisition. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, 30, 3-23.

Moring, T., Husband, C., Lojander-Visapää, C., Vincze, L., Fomina, J., & Mänty, N. N. (2011). Media use and Ethnolinguistic Vitality in bilingual communities. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 32(2), 169–186. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2010.541918

Nakamura, J. (2019). Receptive bilingual children’s use of language in interaction. Studies in Language Sciences, 18, 46-66.

Yuldasheva, D. (2021). Age and The Second Language Acquisition. Research Jet Journal of Analysis and Inventions, 2(04), 124-130.

Zhao, S. (2019). Social media, video data and heritage language learning. In G. Falloon, J. Rowsell, & N. Kucirkova (Eds.), The Routledge International Handbook of Learning with Technology in Early Childhood. Routledge.

Zhao, S., & Flewitt, R. (2020). Young Chinese immigrant children’s language and literacy practices on social media: a translanguaging perspective. Language and Education, 34(3), 267–285. https://doi.org/10.1080/09500782.2019.1656738.

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Impassioned Speech: ¿Lo has visto?

Bilingualism

Nikki Lee, Kiara Mares, Jamie Seals, Ally Shirman

In everyday conversations, bilingual speakers frequently code-switch between their languages. With our modern society, we can see this becoming prevalent in media during emotional scenes with bilingual characters; specifically in movies and TV shows. In this study, we investigated three different shows and movies with bilingual actors who use their heritage language as a part of their character to see whether there is a correlation with code-switching in highly emotional situations. We chose three sources to gather this data that have at least one bilingual main character; Jane the Virgin (2014), Everything Everywhere All At Once (2022), and Modern Family (2009). For each source, we analyzed around 120 minutes to have an equal amount of data. Analysis of this data found that code-switching during emotional scenes did occur, but was more prevalent in more recent media. The study helps to show that code-switching is becoming more representative for bilingual speakers in modern media.

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Introduction and Background

Entertainment media heavily relies on creating a connection between the viewers and the characters and themes presented. The characters in media are often the biggest attraction because of their relatability. Thus, the representation of characters with different backgrounds, including gender, ethnicity, age, socioeconomic status, etc. is very powerful in shaping viewer and societal perceptions. Characters rely heavily on language and emotion to give away key details and shape who they are and what their role is. This is especially evident in American entertainment media with actors who play ethnic characters, with cultures other than dominant U.S. culture. Bilingualism and code-switching are some of the biggest tools used to portray identity within these characters’ roles. This makes their heritage language use very strategic and intentional for character depiction. Recognizing the power of media and how it aims to reflect real-life ideas, our project focuses on where entertainment media uses second languages, and how it intersects with emotion to reflect ideas about a language or a character.

Our project focuses specifically on bilingual actors within entertainment media who use their heritage language as part of their character. We want to investigate when this heritage language is used and if it is associated with highly emotional scenes or situations. Research on language and emotion in real-life scenarios has indicated that language use and choice can be influenced by emotions that we correlate with that language. Looking specifically at American media, our goal is to observe whether or not heritage language use occurs in more emotional situations than non-emotional scenes, and identify if there are emotions that occur more often in a heritage or dominant language. This project will be focusing on language contexts, both positive and negative, and then observing what language it occurs in. Based on our own experiences with code-mixing, media depictions, and language perceptions, we hypothesize that in highly emotional situations, characters will code-switch to their heritage language, other than English. We predict that the characters are written to represent real-life bilingual speakers to deepen their character and the media. Many viewers may find this relatable or can connect with the cultural identity of both languages being presented – which could contribute to further media representations.

Gaps in Research

Though bilingual speakers often use one language in specific settings, and the other in other settings (e.g. heritage language at home and in informal contexts, and dominant language in formal settings like work, especially if that second language is the standard language of their country), they also often use both languages at once (Ferguson, 1959). This most commonly happens when speaking to other bilingual people, but it does happen elsewhere as well. This use of both languages at once is referred to most commonly as code-switching, where interlocutors will use both languages at their disposal within the same utterances, often without consciously making the decision to do so. Though there are many ways and uses of communicating via multiple languages at once, a prominent trigger for code-switching comes from emotionally arousing situations. One study found that, through direct observation of participants in a high-stress problem-solving task, people code-switched more frequently when expressing negative emotions. Specifically, participants switched to their heritage language to express these negative feelings rather than using the dominant language (Williams, Srinivasan, Liu, Lee, Zhou, 2020). We anticipate that our study will recognize some of the same characteristics of code-switching and plan to focus on a character, then identify the number of situations in which this occurs.

Additionally, in these highly arousing emotional situations, it is more likely that speakers use their first language to react, rather than their second language. We see this in the study conducted by Ariana Mohammadi titled, “Swearing in a second language: the role of emotions and perceptions.” Additionally, a study conducted by Shahrzad Mahootian covers these emotional situations in their study and they state, …the list of evocative switches was “more meaningful” in Spanish, that they carried “more emotional power,” (“emotional statements will be said in Spanish. English is not sufficient”) that they were used to “create solidarity,” that they were “much stronger” when said in Spanish (Mahootian 2005). This study helps to show how speakers would be more motivated to code-switch in order to convey their words more effectively between themselves and their listeners. As we have shown, there has been a good amount of research done on the connections between code-switching and heritage language use with emotion but this research has not been carried over to the media. There has not been research done specifically on character use of code-switching and heritage language use and the emotion of their character or scene. We hope to fill this gap with our research in this project and we can anticipate that the media we have chosen for our study will be able to reflect these previous findings.

Methods

To understand whether code-switching occurs in half or more emotional instances in media, we used three sources that each include at least one bilingual main character and are from the 21st century. Specifically, Jane the Virgin (2014), Everything Everywhere All At Once (2022), and Modern Family (2009).

From left to right: Jane the Virgin (2014), Everything Everywhere All At Once (2022), Modern Family (2009)

Additionally, we made sure that all three of these sources’ bilingual characters’ heritage languages were relevant to the characters themselves, but not a dominant focus for the storylines. All bilingual characters were interacting in a space where their heritage language is not the dominant language (which is English in all three sources).

We analyzed roughly 120 minutes of each source to ensure that the amount of data we collected from each would be equal, based on the length of Everything Everywhere All at Once. (We looked at three Jane the Virgin episodes (each ~40 minutes), and 6 Modern Family episodes (each ~20 minutes)).

We noted (coded) each instance of an emotional scene in each source, as well as instances of code-switching within these emotional scenes. This would allow us to calculate a ratio (number of code-switching instances in emotional scenes divided by the total number of emotional scenes), and thus a percentage, to understand how accurate our hypothesis is.

Before coding each source, we defined what “emotional” meant to ensure that each researcher was coding via the same guidelines. Highly emotional instances could come in the form of:

  • Voice: raised voice, yelling, screaming, whimper
  • Exaggerated body language
  • Clearly emotional facial expressions that last (e.g. no microexpressions)
  • Crying

Results

Everything Everywhere All At Once

4 code-switching instances in 8 total emotional scenes → 50% code-switching

Jane the Virgin

15 code-switching instances in 35 total emotional scenes → 43% code-switching

Modern Family

8 code-switching instances in 47 total emotional scenes → 17% code-switching

Combined: 27/90 → 30% of all emotional scenes across the three sources included code-switching.

Everything Everywhere All At Once was the only source to meet the hypothesis that at least half of the emotional scenes would include code-switching. However, it is important to note that there was quite a bit of diversity in how many instances of emotional scenes there were per source. Everything Everywhere All At Once only included eight, likely because it has deep themes compared to the sitcom-like shows, and the scenes are generally longer. Modern Family, on the other hand, is fast-paced (only 20 minutes per episode) and includes generally more exaggerated characters, leading to their behaviors being more exaggerated and emotional as well. This is reflected in the 47 total emotional scenes, compared to the eight from the movie.

However, even though Modern Family had the most emotional scenes, it had the lowest ratio (17%) – this is likely because there is only one bilingual character (Gloria), giving her fewer opportunities and reasons to code-switch (e.g. code-switching out of instinct when stepping on a Lego, versus code-switching to communicate an idea to someone who also speaks English and Spanish that she wouldn’t otherwise be able to explain).

Visual Media

Patterns and Analysis

Results of our study did not exactly align with our data but did highlight some interesting patterns. There were three particular patterns that were recurring in the data and had a similar basis to previous research in the realm of bilingualism in the media.

The first pattern observed from our data was the use of bilingual code-switching for reference terms. In all three of the media forms, characters code-switched when referring to another character they were close to or comfortable with. In Jane the Virgin, this was observed with the consistent referral to Jane’s grandmother as “abuela,” even when the rest of the sentence was in English. ‘Gloria’ in Modern Family also did this frequently when referring to her husband with terms of endearment such as “mi amor” (season 9, episode 3) and when referring to Haley’s children as “mis niños” (season 11, episode 6). This pattern touched on previous research that found that heritage language is used when speakers are more comfortable, which would make sense for using with family (Cho, 2015).

Modern Family Phil makes Gloria cry

Another pattern observed was use of bilingual code-switching as a form of addressing certain audiences. During scenes where characters were in the presence of other bilingual characters, or when they wanted to speak to someone directly, sometimes to the extent of using language to be private. This example was seen in Everything Everywhere All At Once when ‘Evelyn’ is standing up to ‘Gong Gong’ and switches between languages to focus on different scenarios, despite him understanding each of the languages. Evelyn chooses to code switch from Cantonese, English, and finally Mandarin to allow the listeners of that scene, her daughter and husband, to better understand her feelings. Other scenes like in Jane the Virgin used code-switching to Spanish to make sure the police didn’t understand their plan of action while he was in the room. This pattern is reflective of previous research that concluded that negative languages are more typically expressed in the heritage language, which could explain why it was used to exclude someone from a conversation (Williams, Srinivasan, Liu, Lee, Zhou, 2020).

Everything Everywhere All At Once (2022) – Evelyn Stands Up To Gong Gong | HD

Jane the Virgin used code-switching to Spanish

Finally, we observed bilingual code-switching as an indicator of urgency. Characters who were experiencing a sense of urgency and trying to communicate this hurry used code-switching to do so. This example can be seen in Everything Everywhere All At Once when Evelyn is dealing with multiple stressful situations while her family members are adding to that stress, which makes her frantic. The audience can see her emotions overflow as she code switches from Mandarin to English in order to fully express her frustration in that situation. Given that urgency could be related to other feelings, such as stress and desperation, this observation came closest with our hypothesis.

Despite the shows having different content matter, being different genres and having different amounts of bilingual characters (and thus different instances of code-switching), these were patterns that overlapped in at least two of the three media examples used. The patterns occurred in various examples throughout each of the shows and seemed to be consistent parts of the character and their role in the plot. Each of the patterns identified was relevant in various instances throughout the shows and highlighted some real-life uses for code–switching and bilingualism. Although it wasn’t what we were expecting, it definitely taught us a lot about what to expect for bilingualism in both media and everyday life.

Limitations

Within our study, there were some limitations that potentially contributed to the results being different than our predictions, but definitely impacted the process. In relation to content, our project primarily focused on three media examples. Had we used more than two shows and one film, our results may have had more range in code-switching and examples of bilingualism. Essentially, a wider range in media examples would have been more beneficial for getting a wider scope of media examples. This connects with the second limitation: variation within the media content examples. Modern Family definitely had more “feel-good,” positive moments which is different from Jane the Virgin which dealt with heavier themes and was more of a drama. While this variation was definitely better for maximizing examples of bilingual code-switching, the lack of consistent storylines and genres didn’t allow for the same amount of opportunities for code-switching during impassioned speech. Instead, the variation in content and storylines would have made code-switching more of a chance occurrence than a predictable feature.

Finally, perhaps the most impactful limitation in our research project was that most characters were the only bilingual characters in the show. This was specifically the case for Modern Family, where ‘Gloria’ was the only character who spoke Spanish and didn’t have any other main character to speak it with. In Jane the Virgin, even though ‘Jane’ and ‘Xiomara’ were Spanish-English bilinguals, they would respond in English and ‘Abuela’ was the only one who spoke Spanish the entire time. Each of these limitations could have contributed to the results and for future studies would be important to avoid.

Future Study

Considering the limitations previously mentioned and in collaboration with the patterns mentioned, a refined, future study would certainly involve a wider range of media for observation. For standardization purposes, it would be important for shows to be produced and based in the US, be from the same range of years (as in our example, the last two decades/the 21st century), and have the same amount of minutes watched, but this new study would focus on shows with more bilingual characters. Considering these elements and our previous interest in bilingualism and code-switching in the media, further research conducted could be based upon media that covers different backgrounds to be more inclusive towards the American audience. We can see a trend of this from big companies, like Disney, who have produced movies like Encanto and Turning Red. With this trend of inclusivity, there is a high possibility of representation for bilingual speakers in future media. In turn, this would allow for more possible studies to look into the instances of code-switching during emotional scenes.

Conclusion

This analysis of bilingualism in media is a good first step for better understanding how bilingual and multicultural people are represented through TV, specifically to American, English-dominant audiences. However, no broad conclusions can be drawn from this study alone; without a large sample size, we may have missed important themes and patterns on the representation of code-switching from real life, or the patterns that we did find may not appear to the same degree on a larger scale.

A larger sample size, both in terms of the amount of minutes analyzed for each source, and the amount of diverse sources chosen, should be used to create a clearer picture of how writers choose to represent bilingual characters’ language use in media.

Despite the limitations and potential to make this study broader, this introductory analysis still has shown how some patterns of code-switching (proven to be common via research studies mentioned earlier) in real life are accurately represented in media as well. As the representation of multicultural and multilingual people in the United States is being more and more encouraged in American media, the more we are actually seeing it. As in Everything Everywhere All At Once – the most recent, and most diverse, media source used in this study, it was the one source that did meet our hypothesis (50% code-switching in emotional scenes).

As screenwriters continue to portray a more accurate representation of the diversity in the United States, the more we should expect to see multi-language dialogue, filled with code-switching in these shows and movies. In future studies, a specific focus on the function of code-switching by bilingual characters, both in and out of emotional contexts, could give even more insight into how multilingual and multicultural people are represented in older media versus current media. Some examples of code-switching (and code-mixing) functions include keeping conversations private from others, raising the status of the agent who is speaking, making side comments or humorous remarks, emphasizing what is being said, or reiterating something (Gumperz, 1982). Taking this approach and categorizing the linguistic reasons for code-switching would be a great potential first step for understanding where United States media companies are at in terms of true representation of the diversity in this country.

References

Cho, G. (2015). “Perspectives vs. Reality of Heritage Language Development Voices from Second-Generation Korean-American High School Students.” https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1065385.pdf

Ferguson, C. A. (1959). “Diglossia” WORD, vol. 15, no. 2, pp 325-340., https://doi.org/10.1080/00437956.1959.11659702

Gumperz. (1982). Conversational code switching. Discourse Strategies, 59–99.

https://doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511611834.006

Lee, J. S. (2010, April 23). The Korean Language in America: The Role of Cultural Identity in Heritage Language Learning. Taylor & Francis Online. Retrieved February 5, 2023, from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07908310208666638

Mahootian, S. (2005). Linguistic change and social meaning: Codeswitching in the media. International Journal of Bilingualism, 9(3-4), 361-375.

Mohammadi, A. N. (2020). Swearing in a second language: the role of emotions and perceptions. Taylor and Francis Online. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01434632.2020.1755293

Williams A, Srinivasan M, Liu C, Lee P, Zhou Q. Why do bilinguals code-switch when emotional? Insights from immigrant parent-child interactions. Emotion. 2020 Aug;20(5):830-841. doi: 10.1037/emo0000568. Epub 2019 Mar 14. PMID: 30869940; PMCID: PMC6745004

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El tema que hablamos de: Spanish Heritage Speakers and Language Maintenance in the U.S. and France

Bilingualism

Ashley Ghodsian, Madeleine Kostant, Maxime Guerra, E Perez

There are various classifications for bilingual speakers in the formal study of bilingualism. Among these are heritage speakers, who have acquired a minority language in the home prior to gaining dominance in their majority language of the society upon being exposed to it in the community and in school. This results in unbalanced bilingualism in detriment to the minority (or heritage) language, a process of grammatical loss or weakening known as attrition. The emphasis of this study is whether this attrition in the heritage language can be attributed to transfer from the majority language, or if it is due to general loss of input or other extralinguistic factors. In order to accomplish this task, this study analyzed a specific syntactic (or sentence structure) construction, prepositional relative clauses, in populations of English-dominant and French-dominant heritage speakers (“HSs”) of Spanish. We hypothesized that previously reported attrition in the grammars of English-dominant Spanish HSs was due to dominant language transfer from English and that French-dominant HSs would not exhibit this same attrition. We conducted both receptive judegment tasks and oral production tasks in order to test this phenomenon, and found evidence that seems to largely be in favor of our hypothesis. We conclude by commenting on the broader implications of our research on bilingualism and pedagogy, especially as it relates to heritage language maintenance.

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Introduction / Background

This study aims to examine heritage speakers’ attrition through the lens of dominant language transfer by probing this question with two groups of HSs: English-dominant Spanish HSs and French-dominant Spanish HSs. To do so, we focus on the syntactic structures of prepositional relative clauses. Relative clauses (“RCs”) are clauses used to modify a noun (e.g., In The dress that Mary wore was very old, the clause that Mary wore is an RC that modifies the noun phrase the dress.).

Prepositional relative clauses, which are notable because they contain a prepositional object, have two possible realizations in a sentence. The first is preposition-stranding (“P-stranding”), which occurs when a preposition is “stranded” at the end of a relative clause (e.g., The track which they train on _ is slippery and dangerous). The second, pied-piping, occurs when the preposition and the wh-element move together to the front of the clause to form a relative clause (e.g., The track on which they train _ is slippery and dangerous). All three languages explored in this study—Spanish, French, and English—accept pied-piping constructions. Our central motivation behind choosing these three languages, however, stems from the fact that English accepts P-stranding, but it is ungrammatical in both Spanish and French. We will return to this cross-language split of grammaticality with P-stranding shortly.

Several previous studies on this topic have inspired our investigation and experimental design. Kim (2007) found that Korean HSs in the U.S. exhibited more attrition of a specific syntactic construction than their counterparts in China. Although this had to do with a different construction than P-stranding, the findings demonstrate language transfer in action, specifically because Korean and Chinese share the same grammatical setting with respect to the construction being tested, whereas English holds a different setting from the other two. This study has been the largest source of motivation for us to investigate dominant language transfer for other types of syntactic constructions.

Further research on P-stranding and Spanish heritage speakers inspired our experiment design, notably Depiante and Thompson (2013) and Pascual y Cabo and Soler (2015). Depiante and Thompson (2013) conducted acceptability judgement tasks with heritage Spanish-English bilinguals, asking their participants to judge pied-piping and P-stranding in various constructions, including relative clauses. They determined that Spanish HSs generally accepted P-stranding more than their Spanish-dominant counterparts. A follow-up study by Pascual y Cabo and Soler (2015) replicated the experiment and further found that the timing of English acquisition also had a notable effect on the rate at which the speakers accepted P-stranding. Both of these studies relied on receptive judgement tasks in which participants read sentences and evaluated their grammatical acceptability. Our study seeks to contribute to this conversation by combining oral production tasks alongside receptive tasks.

The other gap in research that we hope to fill has to do with testing the two different groups of heritage speakers that we are studying, as previously mentioned. Our research question is as follows: is the apparent attrition of Spanish heritage speakers’ grammar (i.e., the acceptance of preposition-stranding) due to a general loss of input or to transfer from the grammar of the dominant language? We are able to investigate this question largely because the three languages we are exploring have the same pattern as the three languages in the Kim study: P-stranding is grammatical in English but ungrammatical in Spanish and French. Therefore, if we find no difference between our English-dominant and French-dominant speakers, we would not be able to attribute any potential attrition to transfer from the dominant language. However, if we find that our English-dominant HSs accept and produce P-stranding at a higher rate than the French-dominant HSs—which is what we hypothesize for this study—we can make the claim that this is due to the fact that English accepts P-stranding and French does not, and therefore that attrition is due to dominant language transfer in the case of prepositional RCs.

Methods

We recruited six participants total; five Spanish-English bilinguals from the U.S., and one Spanish-French bilingual from France. All of the speakers were heritage speakers of Spanish, with ages ranging between 19-23 years old. After recruitment, participants completed our experiment in several stages. First, they completed the production task over Zoom, during which they were shown a presentation with clipart images and accompanying sentences, some of which were test sentences and some of which were fillers. Each test sentence contained a prepositional object, and participants were prompted to rephrase that sentence with a relative clause so that we could see where they placed the preposition. An example of one of these slides is shown in Figure 1 below.

Figure 1. Example from the elicitation task in which participants are prompted with the first sentence (left), “The children talk about a classic movie,” and are then required to complete the second one (right), which asks “What is this? This is the classic film…” and results in the response “… about which the children talk” if participants use pied-piping or “…which the children talk about” if they use preposition-stranding.

After the production task, participants completed a “pre-survey” called the Bilingual Language Profile (BLP) (https://sites.la.utexas.edu/bilingual/), a tool that linguistics researchers use to determine the language exposure and dominance of bilingual speakers. The BLP contains 19 main questions, each with their own sub-questions, which probe participants’ language exposure, linguistic history, daily use, confidence in fluency, and linguistic identity. All of this data is then used to automatically generate a dominance score, which determines which of the two languages the participant is dominant in. We used the dominance score and our participants’ self-reported ages of exposure in order to ensure that all participants were heritage speakers.

After the BLP, participants completed a main survey (the receptive task) in which they ranked sentences with relative clauses with prepositions, in addition to filler sentences, on a scale of 1 to 5 based on how natural or unnatural they sounded according to their intuitions. Our test conditions were evenly divided between pied-piping and P-stranding sentences. An example of one of our test sentences is shown below in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Example from the receptive task where participants were asked to rate sentences on a scale of 1-5 based on how natural or unnatural they sounded. This sentence is a pied-piping example, and it reads: “The film about which they speak has won many awards.”

Results

We found that for both the elicitation and receptive tasks, the Spanish heritage speakers from the U.S. produced or accepted P-stranding at a higher average rate than the participant from France. It is important to note that we ended up having four (4) Spanish heritage speakers from the U.S. and one (1) from France. Initially, we had five (5) participants from the U.S., but one of them rated the aforementioned “good” (i.e., grammatically correct) control sentences in the acceptability judgment task too low; as such, we disregarded their data.

Figure 3 below presents the production task results. The U.S.-based Spanish heritage participants produced P-stranding constructions 50% of the time, compared to 0% of the time for the French participant. For example, each participant was given the prompt: “Los meseros trabajaban con una cocinera famosa. Esta es la cocinera famosa…” (‘The waiters worked with a famous cook. This is the famous cook…’) and asked to complete the sentence. Two out of four (50%) of the U.S. participants responded with “…que los meseros trabajaban con” (‘…whom the waiters worked with’), stranding the preposition “con” at the end of the phrase. In contrast, the French participant responded “…con que los meseros trabajaban” (‘…with whom the waiters worked’). Given that P-stranding is not grammatical in French or Spanish, these results are in line with our hypothesis, which predicts that the English-Spanish bilinguals would produce more P-stranding than their French-Spanish counterparts due to transfer from English grammar.

Figure 3. Average Production Results Across Speaker Groups: out of all opportunities to produce P-stranding (every relative clause with a preposition), the 4 U.S.-based speakers produced it 50% of the time whereas the participant from France did not produce it at all and produced pied-piping 100% of the time.

Figure 4 below presents the acceptability task results. As explained above, the participants were given a mix of P-stranding, pied piping, and grammatical and ungrammatical filler sentences in Spanish, and asked to rate their grammatical acceptability on a scale of 1 to 5 (5 being the most acceptable). The U.S.-based Spanish heritage participants rated P-stranding constructions to be an average of 3.33, compared to 1.67 for the French participant. For example, when given the sentence “La serie que hablan de tiene críticas muy buenas” (‘The show which they talked about has really good reviews’), the Spanish-English bilingual speakers gave it an average acceptability rating of 4 compared to 2 for the Spanish-French bilingual speaker. These results align with our hypothesis, which predicts that the Spanish-English bilingual speakers would accept P-stranding more than the Spanish-French bilingual speaker due to transfer from English grammar.

Figure 4. Average Acceptability Ratings Across Speaker Groups: Spanish-English bilinguals judged P-stranding with an average rating of 3.33 out of 5 on an acceptability judgement scale and the Spanish-French bilingual judged P-stranding with an average rating of 1.67 out of 5.

Discussion 

Our data from both the elicitation and acceptability judgement tasks provides evidence in favor of our hypothesis that attrition experienced by Spanish heritage speakers with respect to the production and judgement of prepositional relative clauses is due to grammar transfer from their dominant language. It is important to note that due to our small sample size, these results are just numerical comparisons of averages; we cannot assert statistical significance.

The asymmetry between our speaker groups (four (4) from the U.S. and only one (1) from France) is another significant limitation for this experiment. It was difficult to recruit Spanish heritage speakers from France given that we are based in the U.S. and considering the time constraints on our experiment. For example, one of our U.S.-based participants never produced P-stranding constructions in her elicitation task. If she had been our only participant from the U.S., our results would have shown no attrition in the production task for either speaker group. However, we are attributing this to her dominance score from the Bilingual Language Profile (see “Methods”), because she was the only participant whose score was slightly dominant in Spanish. The other three (3) Spanish-English bilingual speakers were dominant in English, and the Spanish-French bilingual speaker was dominant in French. Our hypothesis allows for these results because it attributes attrition to grammar transfer from one’s dominant language; therefore, a heritage speaker dominant in Spanish may not exhibit attrition to the same degree as one dominant in the majority language of their society.

Another potential limitation could be the fact that our French participant had been learning Spanish formally in school for most of his life, while none of the U.S.-based participants reported taking Spanish for more than a couple of years. Foreign language educator Dr. Kathleen Stein-Smith highlights the discrepancies in second-language education between the U.S. and European countries in her 2013 Ted Talk, “The U.S. foreign language deficit” (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8CZ7zu5Aeu0). She argues that educational institutions, businesses, and government-funded programs can help to promote foreign-language teaching at the societal level. While our French participant was a heritage speaker of Spanish (and therefore not learning Spanish as a “second” language), the fact that France has such a comparatively robust Spanish language curriculum was unavoidable and may have skewed our results. If a speaker is explicitly taught prescriptive grammatical rules—for example, not to strand prepositions—they are less likely to violate these rules than speakers with no formal education in a language they only acquired in the home.

Conclusion

This experiment allowed us to explore the source of grammatical attrition in Spanish heritage speakers in terms of producing and accepting prepositional relative clauses. We conducted an elicitation task and an acceptability judgement task for five (5) participants: four (4) Spanish heritage speakers from the U.S. and one (1) from France. We found that on average, the participants from the U.S. produced and accepted P-stranding constructions more than the participant from France. Given that English allows P-stranding and French and Spanish do not, these results provide evidence in favour of our hypothesis that grammatical attrition in heritage speakers is caused by transfer from the grammar of speakers’ dominant languages. In other words, our study suggests that the participants from the U.S. are allowing and producing P-stranding in Spanish because they are dominant in English, which allows P-stranding. These findings shed light on how and why heritage speakers experience grammatical attrition, and have pedagogical implications for reinforcing heritage speakers’ language maintenance in the classroom. Bilingual education advocate Aminah Ghanem sheds light on the importance of reforming the U.S. language education system in order to promote multilingualism in her 2019 Ted Talk, “Reforming Our Bilingual Education System” (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vvCUk9qJQmE). She highlights the positive effects of multilingualism in terms of celebrating diverse cultures, preventing language discrimination, and the marginalisation of heritage speakers. We hope that our study will contribute to this conversation and promote future research and educational policy decisions as they affect heritage bilinguals.

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Do you Entiendes?

Bilingualism

Roni Grushkevich, Iffet Dogan, Isaac Verdugo, Nandana Suresh

The following research on receptive multilingualism seeks to observe if exposure to popular Spanish singing artists of various dialects impact Spanish heritage and non-Spanish heritage speakers’ ability to comprehend their song’s lyrics. 8 participants (4 native Spanish speakers, 2 romance language speakers, and 2 individuals who learned Spanish in school) were given a combination of a C-test and song test via Google survey. The C-test was administered to standardize the level of basic Spanish comprehension across the participants. 3 separate song tests were made for each of the following Spanish singing artists of different Spanish dialects: Vicente Fernandez (Mexican), Bad Bunny (Puerto Rican), and Shakira (Columbian), containing their most popular song. Out of the 8 participants, only 25% of them stated to have relied on their romance language in order to comprehend Spanish. Direct translations were uncommon, however, interpretations of the music were accurate. The results from the study suggest that heritage Spanish speakers were able to comprehend more than their non-heritage counterparts.

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Introduction and Background

Can exposure to various dialects within the context of music impact a Spanish speaker’s ability to comprehend lyrics of a dialect they can not necessarily speak? As widely known global sensations, Bad Bunny, Vicente Fernandez, and Shakira are enjoyed by speakers of various languages. These artists, Bad Bunny originating from Puerto Rico, Vicente Fernandez from Mexico, and Shakira from Columbia, sing in various dialects of Spanish and have the potential to subliminally impact non Spanish heritage and Spanish heritage speaker’s ability to comprehend Spanish from exposure alone. This phenomenon relates to receptive multilingualism, which refers to a mode of interaction wherein people can use a language or language variety that the person with whom they are communicating does not speak, without compromising any understanding between both parties, and without the use of any additional lingua franca (Rehbein et al. 2011). This essentially means that people who have been exposed to a particular language can develop the ability to understand it, without necessarily being able to speak it. This phenomenon allows for different, varied modes of communication, especially between speakers of similar languages and dialects, who may be able to understand each other while not speaking each others’ mother tongues. Similar research on this topic has revealed mixed findings. A study by Gooskens & Heeringa (2014), found that Norwegian speakers, who tend to be more exposed to different dialects of Norwegian, were better at translating texts in other Scandinavian languages than Danish speakers. In Sloboda & Nábělková (2013), the researchers found that in online spaces, there were mixed results on whether Slovak is intelligible to Czech speakers. The following research differs from existing findings as it focuses on receptive multilingualism within the context of music, focusing on heritage and non-heritage Spanish speakers specifically. We predict that through receptive multilingualism, Spanish heritage speakers will have the highest comprehension of song lyrics of various dialects; however, non-heritage speakers will have some level of comprehension through learned Spanish or familiarity with Spanish.

From left to right: Shakira, Bad Bunny, Vicente Fernández

Methods

Our participants were composed of both heritage Spanish speakers and non-heritage Spanish speakers. Participants were not asked to report their age or other demographic information. All of our participants are based in Los Angeles, California and were UCLA students. We got our participants by asking individuals who we know meet the requirements and asking individuals enrolled in a UCLA Italian course. We ended up having 8 participants (4 heritage Spanish speakers, 2 romance language speakers, and 2 individuals that learned Spanish in school). Non-native Spanish speakers were asked to report if they had received formal education in Spanish and if they did not speak Spanish, what Romance language they did speak.

We were able to conduct our study via C-test and song test, both of which were presented to the participants online in one survey. A C-test is a tool to measure language proficiency and this shows us where the participant’s levels of proficiency in Spanish is placed. We used the C-test from an online source (One to One Spanish). We chose to have this C-test in Spanish because it would allow us to compare our participants although they all come from different backgrounds. The entire C-test is multiple choice but we asked each participant to explain what skills they used to answer the questions.

The second part of the Google survey consisted of a set of questions that revolved around a song by one of the Spanish language artists, Vicente Fernandez, Bad Bunny, and Shakira. The participant was given a survey with one of the artists that does not sing in the variation of Spanish that they are privy to in the case that they are one of the heritage speakers of that variation. For example, a heritage Mexican-Spanish speaker was not given Vicente Fernandez as their musical artist to interpret. Moreover, each participant was pre-screened and elaborated on which type of Spanish they are familiar with/speak in order to select the song from an artist who sings in a variation of Spanish they’re unfamiliar with. The survey asked questions like what variation of Spanish they speak, if they have ever taken a Spanish-language class, if they have studied another romance language and to what level. Upon answering these questions, the participant listened to a section of the song they were given. Upon listening to the section of the song, the survey asked participants what they remember hearing from the song and followed up with asking the participant how they would translate what they heard into English and if they could not do so, how would they interpret what they heard. Lastly, they were asked how they came to this interpretation. We anticipated word chunks to be an important element in the analysis because of the similarities some words have with a similar romance language which would contribute to the receptive multilingualism. We evaluated the amount of word chunks that they were able to register in each survey. We accounted for the amount of word chunks they input as well as the frequency of entire sentences they input among the three different songs.

Results / Analysis

Based on our results, it is clear that our participants scored fairly well on the C-test. Out of nine questions, we were able to compare participants’ comprehension of Spanish in comparison to each other. As shown by Figure 1, the heritage Spanish speakers and romance language speakers performed better on average in comparison to the non-native Spanish speakers. This is something that we predicted when creating our study. This could be due to the fact that the heritage and romance speakers have more background with Spanish and have better knowledge to apply when taking the C-test. It is important to note that the non-heritage Spanish speakers scored exactly where we predicted they would. With some prior knowledge in Spanish, averaging a 5.5/9 on the C-test is fairly high.

Figure 1 aims to see if there is a correlation between the score participants got on the C-test and the number of words/chunks they identified in the second part of the Google survey when listening to the song. It is clear that heritage Spanish speakers performed the best at identifying words/chunks out of the song they heard. One surprising thing we do see in the graph is that the romance language speakers did much better on the C-test portion in comparison to the music component. This could be due to the fact that the C-test relies more on recall because it is multiple choice. This means that romance language speakers see the options listed which could help them reach the right answer. However, when needing to write chunks/words they remember, it is a much harder task that requires more knowledge of Spanish.

Overall, Figure 1 proves the fact that the performance on C-test is highly correlated to the way participants performed on the song test.

Figure 1. Shows correlation between the score participants got on their C-test and how well they performed on the second part of the Google survey.

Below is a column chart that displays the amount of participants that were able to register word chunks, entire sentences, and no sentences or word chunks. The heritage Spanish speakers were able to register more word chunks and entire sentences than their non-heritage counterparts.

Figure 2. Column chart with participant’s results.

The excerpts from each song were less than 15 seconds each and displayed roughly three whole sentences. Vicente Fernández’s Volver Volver included the lyrics “Nos dejamos hace tiempo pero me llegó el momento de perder. Tú tenías mucha razón le hago caso al corazón y me muero por volver.” Our two participants that were given the song Volver,Volver comprehended a good amount of lyrics that they were able to translate into small pieces of information like word chunks. Their knowledge of pop-culture and their respective romance language backgrounds were able to assist them in their interpretations of the song and lyrics. Bad Bunny’s Gato de noche exhibited the following lyrics from the excerpt “Tú ere’ mi loca y hoy te toca la terapia si no se lo meto le da rabia puedo tener más de veinte pero tú ere’ mi bichota, tú ere’ mi sicaria tanto’ pece’ en el mar”. Three heritage Spanish-speakers were able to register the entirety of the song excerpt; however, they did not register every word. Their knowledge in Spanish and the use of context clues based off of that knowledge was able to assist them in their interpretation of the song. The one non-heritage Spanish speaker that was given the Bad Bunny excerpt registered a few word chunks but did not succeed in translating the excerpt entirely. They did mention that their romance language assisted them in their interpretation and therefore led to their response aligning with what the lyrics entailed.

Shakira’s La Tortura was given to two participants, both of whom are heritage-Spanish speakers. The following lyrics were exhibited in the excerpt: “Ay amor me duele tanto, me duele tanto. Que tú fueres sin decir a dónde ay amor fue una tortura perderte.” The two participants had very accurate translations of the excerpt as well as the amount of word chunks and sentences they were able to register. Both of them translated the lyrics and their interpretation of the excerpt was accurate. They stated that their background in Spanish was the main reason for their accurate responses. Out of the eight participants, only 25% of them stated to have relied on their romance language in order to comprehend Spanish. Direct translations were uncommon, however, interpretations of the music were accurate.

The findings of the data suggest that heritage Spanish speakers were able to comprehend more than their non-heritage counterparts. Given that we received eight responses, it is not clear whether or not the findings reflect this on a macro level.

Discussion and Conclusions

Overall, while our C-test results were mixed, there certainly was a positive correlation between one’s prior exposure to Spanish and the amount of words they were able to translate during the music component of this experiment. This shows that, for the romance language speakers and non-native Spanish speakers, the prior exposure that they may have had to Spanish or another romance language probably did help them translate the song lyrics that were given to them, especially when we consider the fact that, even though many of the non-native Spanish speakers were not able to perfectly translate the lyrics, a large proportion of them were still able to accurately understand the meaning of the song lyrics. In essence, while they may not have been able to understand the meaning of each individual word, they may have been able to use what they did know, in conjunction with context clues, to make an educated guess as to what the general meaning of the lyrics were.

As it turns out, this is a strategy that many of our participants reported that they were able to follow, in that they described being able to recognize some of the more “important” content words (nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs), and use them to their advantage. These words happened to be those that were either well known to non-Spanish speakers, such as loca, or those that share a similar form to their counterparts in English or other romance languages. From there, they described being able to use context clues to help them derive the meaning of the surrounding word chunk. Aside from this, there were some non-linguistic aspects of each song that may have somewhat aided the participants in their translations, in that features like tone, rhythm, tempo, etc. may have helped them identify the mood, and likely subject matter of the song. we did not see this described in our data enough, though, to make any concrete conclusions surrounding this.

However, when discussing this experiment, it is important to consider factors such as formal education that may have skewed our data—many of our non-native Spanish speakers had taken Spanish to quite a high level in the past, which can explain the relatively high proficiency that was found in their C-test results, and may have boosted their ability in the song lyric task as well. This is not necessarily a bad thing, since it doesn’t disprove that receptive multilingualism is the underlying mechanism in their success in these tasks. In terms of better understanding the strength of receptive multilingualism, though, we would probably have wanted to include participants who had less, but still some, exposure to Spanish. In this way, we would have been able to draw stronger conclusions from the data we collected—if people who had a very basic level of formal exposure to Spanish were still able to understand the meaning of the song lyrics, while likely performing poorly on the C-test, it would ultimately mean that their receptive capabilities were the main reason as to why they were able to understand the lyrics.

Additionally, only two out of the three videos we used to present the songs to the participants contained closed captions, which definitely showed in our data. We noticed that while most participants were able to understand the lyrics of the songs that contained closed captions, the participants that were assigned to the song that did not have closed captions struggled considerably with recognizing words and translating lyrics as a whole. This is not particularly surprising—while many words may share written forms between English, Spanish, and other Romance languages, they don’t necessarily sound similar. Because of this, when participants were forced to rely purely upon auditory stimuli during the music component, they may not have recognized some words that they would have recognized if they had access to closed captions while listening. In terms of receptive multilingualism, this indicates that people’s receptive abilities are stronger when they have both audio and visual input, as opposed to just audio input, as it makes it easier to make connections between the words in the received language and their counterparts in their native languages.

While we cannot make any claims about whether this makes it easier to then learn these words in the received language, perhaps, in the future, doing something like adding closed captions to all songs would help people understand their lyrics, even if they don’t speak the language that the song is sung in. Thus, receptive multilingualism can be a powerful tool in understanding non-native languages especially when considering songs and other forms of media, because we have various amounts of ways in which we can present information to listeners to aid their understanding of the material, no matter what their background may be.

Appendix

Comprehension Test

Survey Inquiry

Song Test A: Bad Bunny
Song Test B: Shakira
Song Test C: Vicente Fernandez

 

References

Bahtina-Jantsikene, D. (2013). Mind Your Languages: Lingua Receptiva in Estonian-Russian Communication. LOT. http://www.lotpublications.nl/Documents/338_fulltext.pdf

Bulatović, S., Schüppert, A. & Gooskens, C. (2019). Receptive multilingualism versus ELF: How well do Slovenes understand Croatian compared to Croatian speakers’ English? . Journal of English as a Lingua Franca, 8(1), 37-65. https://doi.org/10.1515/jelf-2019-2005

Gooskens, C. & Heeringa, W. (2014). The role of dialect exposure in receptive multilingualism. Applied Linguistics Review, 5(1), 247-271. https://doi.org/10.1515/applirev-2014-0011

Rehbein, J., ten Thije, J. D., & Verschik, A. (2012). Lingua receptiva (LaRa) – remarks on the quintessence of receptive multilingualism. International Journal of Bilingualism, 16(3), 248–264. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367006911426466

Sağın-Şimşek, Ç., & König, W. (2012). Receptive multilingualism and language understanding: Intelligibility of Azerbaijani to Turkish speakers. International Journal of Bilingualism, 16(3), 315–331. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367006911426449

Sloboda, M. & Nábělková, M. (2013) Receptive multilingualism in ‘monolingual’ media: managing the presence of Slovak on Czech websites, International Journal of Multilingualism, 10:2, 196-213, DOI: 10.1080/14790718.2013.789523

Spanish Quiz – Prueba de Español – B1. Free Spanish quiz B1 – Intermediate Low level. (n.d.). https://121spanish.com/spanish-quiz-B1

Verschik, A. (2012). Practising receptive multilingualism: Estonian–Finnish communication in Tallinn. International Journal of Bilingualism, 16(3), 265–286. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367006911426465

Weiss, Gretchen. (2021) The Effect of Music Instruction on Bilingual Early Language Acquisition. [Master’s thesis, California State University]. https://scholarworks.calstate.edu/downloads/1j92gd72g#:~:text=Children’s%20songs%20 and%20chants%20taught,and%20reinforcement%20by%20the%20family.

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Language Proficiency and Cultural Identity of Korean Heritage Speakers

Bilingualism

Griffin Gamble, Erin Kwak, Joanna Kwasek, and Hannah Shin

A heritage language is defined as a minority language spoken at home that is not part of a dominant language in society. This study looked specifically into Korean heritage speakers living in the United States and investigated whether language proficiency in Korean will align with the degree of Korean cultural identity. In order to study this relationship, we utilized two separate data collection methods: an elicitation task to assess language proficiency and a self-reported questionnaire to record cultural identity. As expected, we found that the more grammatical errors the participants made, the less they identified with their Korean culture. This finding suggests a positive relationship between Korean language proficiency and Korean self-identity, which contradicts previous findings that higher proficiency in a heritage language predicts a more balanced bicultural identity that is not dominated by one culture.

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Introduction and Background

With the U.S. being known as a melting pot of cultures, numerous languages are constantly being spoken and intermingled in public and private. Following this observation, we were interested in understanding how heritage speakers–more specifically, Korean heritage speakers–juggle multiple cultural identities.

Previous findings suggest that one’s cultural identity and language proficiency are correlated. Lee (2002) studied the relationship between heritage language proficiency and cultural identity of Korean heritage speakers. They were able to observe that Korean heritage speakers who were proficient in Korean largely reported having a bicultural identity, or one that is equally American and Korean (Lee, 2002). Furthermore, Adaobi (2014) studied the link between a minority language, Etulo, and the majority language, Tiv, to understand if bilingualism affects self-identity. Similarly to Lee (2002), Adaobi found that Eluto speakers identified with both cultures, but did experience a sense of identity conflict, or dual identity, from time to time (Adaobi, 2014). Such findings indicate that proficiency in both the dominant and minority languages facilitate a unique bicultural identity.

One of the biggest limitations that we observed in the studies above was the use of self-assessments as a measure of language proficiency. Self-reports can be unreliable in producing standardized data, as it does not involve an objective assessment of language proficiency; it is susceptible to biases about how well one believes they can speak a language. Therefore, in our study, we have decided to implement a widely used method in the study of bilingualism: the elicitation task (Bialystok and Frohlich, 1980; Dechert, 1983). As grammatical competence is often a strong predictor of overall oral proficiency (Magnan, 1988), it is plausible to assume that grammatical errors will decrease as the proficiency level increases. With such assumptions, the current study conducted a grammaticality judgment of participant speech to determine language proficiency (Cornips & Poletto, 2005), in hopes of enhancing both the validity and reliability of the research addressing heritage language proficiency and cultural identity.

We hypothesized that there will be a positive relationship between Korean language proficiency and Korean cultural identity. In other words, Korean heritage speakers who 1) exhibit higher grammatical accuracy in Korean and 2) are able to utilize more cultural references will identify with the Korean identity to a larger degree.

Methods

We studied twelve Korean heritage speakers currently living in Southern California, between the ages of 15 and 23. Eight of the participants identified as female, three as male, and one as other. They had differing levels of exposure to formal Korean language education but all of them used Korean at home with their family (aligning with our definition of a heritage speaker).

Table 1: Participant Demographics

The study utilized two separate data collection methods. The first was an elicitation task, which involved a slideshow that depicted the Korean fairytale titled The Heavenly Maiden. We began by telling the story to the participants in English, accompanied by the corresponding image for each scene (See Figure 1).

Figure 1: Example of a slide from the elicitation task

The participants were then asked to retell the story in Korean as we flipped through the images in the slideshow. Their speech was recorded and transcribed for further analysis. The second data collection method was a questionnaire that was distributed to participants after the elicitation task. By doing so, the questions regarding ethnicity, culture, and comfortability in speaking Korean did not influence their performance in the storytelling task. The survey also included questions about the participants’ general background information, such as their age, the circumstances in which they learned Korean, in what situations and how frequently they use Korean today, etc.

The recording was reviewed for two main variables: instances of any grammatical errors (such as subject, verb, and object word order errors) and the usage of culturally-relevant vocabulary within the story. Regarding the culturally-relevant vocabulary, there are a few terms, such as 선녀 (“heavenly maiden”) and 두레박 (“bucket”), that are important aspects of the fairytale. We expected to find that participants who are more in touch with Korean culture would be able to better identify and use those cultural references.

Results and Analysis

Out of the twelve participants, only ten participants fully participated in our study as two people opted out of the elicitation task as they felt that the task would be too difficult with their language abilities. However, we still decided to give them the option of completing the questionnaire so that we could note any potential patterns.

When analyzing the data, we noticed two main patterns amongst the participants: irregular formality and sentence structure. These were interesting to us because the Korean language is highly sensitive to different degrees of formality–that is, a speaker should not be suddenly switching between multiple formality levels unless the recipient has changed. An instance of irregular formality can be seen in this excerpt of participant 1’s transcript: “사슴이 남자에게 도움을 요청했습니다. 사냥꾼이 사슴을 사냥하고 있었다.” The first sentence ends with –습니다, which is formal and respectful. However, the next sentence ends with –다, which is less formal and more direct. Additionally, Korean sentences typically follow a subject-object-verb order, but the participants seemed to use different word order structures purposefully. Korean-American speakers were repeatedly and deliberately utilizing an alternative word order structure as a stylistic choice, not as a momentary mistake. An example of irregular sentence structure can be observed in this excerpt of participant 4’s transcript: “사슴이 살려달라고 그래서 나무속에 숨겨놨는데 사냥꾼이 와서 찾았어요 사슴을.” This sentence notably ends with an object (“사슴을”), which is not common in Korean speech, and more resembles English’s subject-verb-object order.

Surprisingly, participants were generally lacking in the use of cultural references with two people using none, seven people using one, and one person using two. Patterns regarding the usage of cultural referents were thus not evident, which made it difficult to answer the relevant aspect of our hypothesis.

Regarding the self-reported cultural identity of our participants, a majority of our participants considered themselves Korean-American, but more Korean or equally Korean and American. None of our participants considered themselves fully American with no Korean identity. Interestingly, the participant with the least amount of errors and highest self-perception of being Korean (i.e., they viewed themself as fully Korean, rated themself 5 in Korean proficiency, and 5 for how comfortable they are in speaking Korean), only utilized one cultural referent throughout the whole speech. She instead opted for a more casual and simple nuance, using Korean versions of an English word, such as “샤워” ([ɕʰawʌ] ‘shower’) and 버켓 ([bʌket̚] ‘bucket’). We also noticed that the two people who opted out of the task but filled out the questionnaire were the only ones who marked “very uncomfortable” for the question asking how comfortable they are in speaking Korean and “strongly agree” for the statement “I celebrate most American holidays.”

In comparing the self-identity question to their overall error ratio in speech, we found that the average error ratio increased as the participants identified as more American (See Figure 2). Although we were not able to run a formal statistical analysis due to our limited sample size, we expect this trend to transfer onto a bigger sample size as well due to its concreteness.

Figure 2: Self-Identity and Error Ratio

Another interesting observation we made was that those who marked that they took Korean in school for foreign language credit (which were participants 9, 10, A, and B) had either: the highest ratios of errors or completely opted out of the elicitation task due to low proficiency.

Discussion and Conclusion

The results suggest that language proficiency and cultural identity seem to have a positive correlation, as the participant who rated herself as fully Korean had the least errors in speech, and the average error ratio of participants increased along with American identity. In addition, we also observed a common linguistic pattern among our Korean-American participants. Those who rated themselves a score of 2 or 3, and therefore did not fully identify as Korean, were using a word order structure similar to English subject-verb-object (SVO). This word order is not technically ungrammatical in Korean, but it’s usually only used if the second clause is an afterthought therefore it can come off as awkward especially if used repetitively. However, the Korean-American participants appeared to be using it as a stylistic choice, and not by mistake. This finding opens up a new area of research for bilingualism: emerging linguistic patterns in heritage speakers that were not previously observed in native speakers. By studying how this linguistic trend is preserved or even replaced within generations, we would also be able to study how multiple languages reform as they come in contact with a different language. In the case of our participants, it was mainly the fusing of English and Korean that prompted the rise of English’s SVO-like word order structure in Korean.

One of the biggest limitations was our small sample size. A larger sample size would help identify stronger, statistically significant correlations between our variables, and in turn, promote the external validity of our findings. Furthermore, we could better target the elements within our hypothesis by improving the elicitation task. As we were unable to observe a consistent use of cultural references among the participants, we could better assess the role of cultural proficiency or cultural awareness by utilizing or creating a story that prompts the use of more cultural references. The analysis method of our study would also have been more standardized if the grammaticality judgment was not done by the researchers themselves. Although we were limited in our time and resources, recruiting a panel of native Korean speakers to rate the grammaticality of each participant’s speech would lead to a more concrete assessment of language proficiency.

So why do these findings matter in our day-to-day lives? First of all, the observations we made throughout our study support the idea of a bidirectional relationship between language and identity. Even though our main research question dealt with the positive connection between language proficiency and the corresponding cultural identity, this relationship encompasses so many other factors such as our attitude towards our culture, the amount of language use per day, the quality of language use, the context of language use, and much more. Each of the aforementioned variables could equally serve as a byproduct of or the driving elements behind one’s language proficiency. For instance, one could be using their heritage language only with their parents because they lack proficiency, or lack proficiency because they only use it with their parents and no one else. If you factor in the role of cultural identity, it further raises the question of “which came first?” as it could be the depth of cultural identity that motivates language use or vice versa. Knowing this, it brings us to the second reason why the findings of this study are important: we could potentially promote language proficiency and cultural identity by elevating one another! To provide an example, enhancing one’s cultural identity could serve as a big motivator behind learning a heritage language. The positive attitude allocated to a specific culture could definitely act as an incentive for learning a language while enhancing the learning process itself. Similarly, one might wish to identify with their heritage culture on a deeper level. The findings in this study suggest that increasing one’s proficiency in their heritage language could in turn intensify one’s respective cultural identity.

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