Language Variety

Phonological Variation and Identity in L.A. Spanish: The Case of /s/ Debuccalization

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Nicholas Guymon, Jafarri Nocentelli, Amanda Tai, Brian Cifuentes

In this study, we investigate how native speakers of Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, and Mexican dialects of Spanish use /s/ debuccalization, a phonological process which targets /s/ in the coda position and yields either [h] or [∅] through complete deletion, to signal informal speech in Los Angeles. By examining the national origin, age, gender, linguistic background, and education of these three consultants who currently reside in Los Angeles but hail from elsewhere; the phonological characteristics of their native dialects; and the characteristics and use of Español Vernáculo de Los Ángeles (EVLA), the preeminent variety of Spanish spoken in Los Angeles, we identify /s/ debuccalization as a significant sociolinguistic marker across formal and informal registers. Indeed, we argue that the (non-)application of /s/ debuccalization across formal and informal registers reflects one facet of our speakers’ adaptation to the diglossic environment of Los Angeles, where the prestigious variety, EVLA, influences informal speech practices and how this phonological variation contributes to the construction of identity in multicultural urban settings.

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Introduction and Background

In this article, we investigate how male and female native speakers of Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, and Mexican dialects of Spanish living in Los Angeles signal informal speech through a phonological process known as /s/ debuccalization, which targets instances of /s/ in coda positions and yields [h] or [∅] through complete deletion. By considering the national origin, age, gender, linguistic background, and education of our consultants, the phonological features of their native dialects, and the interaction between geographically removed Spanish dialects in Los Angeles, we aim to answer the following questions: What phonological features characterize Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, and Mexican Spanish vis-à-vis EVLA (Español Vernáculo de Los Angeles), the preeminent variety of Spanish spoken in Los Angeles? How can diglossia explain the distribution of phonological phenomena (e.g., /s/ debuccalization in Puerto Rican Spanish) observed in the informal speech of these dialects in Los Angeles? How do speakers create connections between their homeland and construct their identities through their native dialects in a context of linguistic isolation and geographic dislocation?

In the speech of one of our consultants, a woman named Rosalie who currently resides in Los Angeles, for instance, we will examine the optionality of /s/ debuccalization, or /s/ aspiration, in Puerto Rican Spanish. We aim to answer the following questions: Can we predict in which environment(s) /s/ debuccalization occurs and what sociolinguistic variables affect the optionality of this rule itself? Is the (non-)application of this rule related to formality and prestige? How does Rosalie’s (non-)application of /s/ debuccalization index her membership to different speech communities of Spanish speakers?

We hypothesize that in informal contexts with speakers of the same dialect or other dialects in which /s/ debuccalization occurs, our speakers will apply /s/ debuccalization. Conversely, in formal contexts with speakers of the same dialect and other dialects of Spanish where this feature may or may not be present, our speakers will not apply /s/ debuccalization.

Methods

In order to contrast the characteristics of the informal speech of Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, and Mexican dialects of Spanish with EVLA, it is necessary to describe the phonological features of each of our speakers’ dialects and those of EVLA, a “Spanish koiné in Los Angeles which has a distinct Mexican flavor spiced with those Spanglish features typical of the intimate contact with English: convergence, borrowings, calques, switches, and so forth” (Sánchez-Muñoz, 2007, pg. 74–75).

Before we could describe the phonological features of our speakers’ dialects of Spanish, we gathered demographic, geographic, linguistic, and biographic information through a questionnaire which each of our speakers completed independently. Among these questions, we asked our consultants about their age, preferred gender identity, educational background, native language, daily usage of and literacy in Spanish, and their perceived proficiency in any other languages. Finally, we asked about our consultants’ birthplace, the cities/regions in which they grew up, the duration of their residence in those cities/regions, and the duration of their residence in Los Angeles, California. We have marked the locations where our consultants grew up and the location of Los Angeles in the following map:

Figure 1. Cities of origin of our three consultants.

The geographical information helped us determine our consultants’ dialects of Spanish and the unique phonological phenomena which characterize these dialects themselves. In our consultants’ speech, we identified a common phonological process: /s/ debuccalization.

Excursus on Syllable Structure

Recalling that /s/ debuccalization is intimately linked to syllabic structure, we provide a brief discussion of syllabic structure, syllabification, and relevant terminology used throughout our analysis, drawn from Hayes (2009, pp. 251–253). Roughly speaking, the syllables have three main anatomical components: a nucleus, onset, and coda.

  • The nucleus is a vowel, diphthong, or syllabic consonant which forms the basis of a syllable.
  • The onset is the consonant(s) at the beginning or left-edge of a syllable.
  • The coda is the consonant(s) at the end or right-edge of a syllable.

With these terms in mind, words can be syllabified according to the following principles:

  1. σ Assignment: Assign syllable nodes (σ) to vowels, diphthongs, or syllabic consonants which share the feature [+syllabic].
  2. Onset Formation: “Join consonants to the following syllable, provided the resulting cluster can occur at the beginning of a word (Maximal Onset Principle)” (p. 253).
  3. Coda Formation: Any unsyllabified segment(s) join(s) the preceding syllable.

In Figure 2 below, we provide an illustrated example of the syllabification of the Spanish quadrisyllabic, or four-syllable, word transformación ‘transformation’ in phonemic transcription.

Figure 2. Example of how syllabification works in Spanish.

In this example, there are two instances of /s/: one /s/ appears in the coda of the first syllable, and another appears in the onset of the final syllable. Indeed, the phonological process of /s/ debuccalization will affect the surface realization of only the first /s/ in the first syllable of the word, found in coda position. The second /s/, belonging to the onset of a syllable, will remain unaffected.

/s/ Debuccalization and Spanish Varieties

/s/ debuccalization has been famously studied in Puerto Rican Spanish (García et al., 2023; Lipski, 2008; Sánchez-Muñoz, 2017; Tomás, 1999). In Guatemalan and Mexican dialects, however, its occurrence is geographically restricted. /s/ debuccalization is not typically observed in Guatemalan Spanish, “only along the border with El Salvador, along the Pacific coast, and near the border with Belize is a slight weakening of preconsonantal /s/ to be found” (Lipski 2008, p. 184). A similar situation holds in many Mexican dialects of Spanish, but there is “significant reduction of final /s/ … [also found in] rural northwestern Mexico, including the state of Sonora” (p. 85). Conversely, speakers of EVLA, as Sánchez-Muñoz identifies, do not debuccalize /s/ to produce [h] or [∅] (pp. 74–76). If speakers of EVLA, therefore, lack a synchronic phonological process of /s/ debuccalization, this process in any of our consultants’ speech will have an important indexicality value to speakers of EVLA and other varieties where this feature does not occur. The application of /s/ debuccalization may not only index our consultants as non-locals, but it may also have other important sociolinguistic ramifications involving prestige, social interactions, and linguistic attitudes.

Since EVLA is the preeminent variety of Spanish spoken in Los Angeles, we anticipate that the distribution of phonological phenomena, such as /s/ debuccalization, will be influenced by diglossia, with the high variety being EVLA and other dialects being low varieties. This categorization will allow us to compare the role of language prestige and other social factors in shaping informal speech patterns, shedding insight on how Spanish speakers from different national origins and linguistic backgrounds modify their speech to negotiate their social identities and community affiliations in a multicultural setting like Los Angeles.

Project Design

In order to collect quantitative data, we conducted a series of sociolinguistic interviews with our consultants, guided by methods outlined in Van Herk (2018, pp. 121–122). After gathering demographic and biographical information, we recorded our consultants as they read the first paragraphs of Menéndez Pidal’s Manual de gramática histórica española, a technical linguistics manual written in Spanish, and a Spanish word list of 87 items in which /s/ occurs in a variety of phonological environments. Finally, we recorded a live conversation between our consultants and another native speaker of the same dialect.

In all of these materials, we gathered environments in which /s/ appeared in coda position, using each instance as a token of /s/ subject to /s/ debuccalization which we later compared across styles. In Menéndez Pidal’s text, we identified 49 instances of /s/ in coda position, with 180 in our curated word list. As we prepared for our elicitations, we provided the orthography, phonemic transcription, and gloss of each Spanish word, following Harris (1969). We supply two sample tables below:

Figure 3. Spanish words from Menéndez Pidal’s Manual de gramática histórica español.
Figure 4. Spanish words used in elicitation.

After our elicitations, we reviewed our recordings, created phonetic transcriptions of each Spanish word, and compared our tokens of /s/ to the (non-)application of /s/ debuccalization. Then, we established proportions and calculated the percentages of the (non-)application of /s/ debuccalization. Lastly, we compared these proportions across styles and dialects.

We predicted that as our consultants read the passage and word list, knowing that we were recording, we would induce the observer’s paradox, and our consultants would engage in more self-monitoring, likely reducing the frequency of phonological phenomena which characterize informal speech (Labov, 1972, pp. 43; Llamas, 2007, p. 15).

Results and Analysis

Our study revealed distinct patterns of /s/ debuccalization among our Puerto Rican, Guatemalan, and Mexican consultants, demonstrating how this phonological process varies across different speech contexts and dialects.

Rosalie, our Puerto Rican Spanish speaker, displayed a notable variation in the application of /s/ debuccalization depending on the speech context. In the reading passage, we observed a very low application rate of 1 out of 49 instances (2.04%). In our word list, we observed an even lower application rate of 1 out of 180 instances (0.56%). In spontaneous speech, however, Rosalie’s use of /s/ debuccalization sharply increased to 70 out of 81 instances (86.42%). Below are some representative examples of /s/ debuccalization recorded in Rosalie’s spontaneous speech:

Figure 5. Examples of /s/ debuccalization in Rosalie’s spontaneous speech.

The significant contrast of the application of /s/ debuccalization across styles suggests that Puerto Rican speakers switch between formal and informal registers, with /s/ debuccalization being a key feature in informal speech. These findings are summarized in Figure 6 below:

Figure 6. /s/ Debuccalization across styles in Puerto Rican Spanish.

Otto, our Guatemalan Spanish speaker, exhibited moderate variation in the application of /s/ debuccalization. In the reading passage, his application rate was relatively low with only 7 out of 49 instances (14.29%). In the word list, his application rate was minimal with only 1 out of 180 instances (0.56%) observed. In spontaneous speech, his application rate rose to 22 out of 52 instances (42.31%). This variability suggests that while Guatemalan speakers may use /s/ debuccalization as a marker of informal speech, the extent of its use can vary significantly depending on the context. The moderate application in spontaneous speech suggests that this phonological process is associated with varying degrees of formality, but not to the extent witnessed in Puerto Rican speakers. These results are summarized in the bar graph below:

Figure 7. /s/ Debuccalization across styles in Guatemalan Spanish.

Blanca, our Mexican Spanish speaker, showed a low application rate of /s/ debuccalization in the reading passage at 9 out of 49 instances (18.37%). Her application rate was very low in the word list at 2 out of 180 instances (1.11%) and remained relatively low in spontaneous speech at 12 out of 52 instances (23.08%). These findings suggest that /s/ debuccalization is present in her dialect of Mexican Spanish across different styles, but it is not nearly as pronounced of an indicator of informal speech as in Guatemalan or Puerto Rican Spanish. The consistent yet low application across all contexts indicates that this feature may not be subject to significant sociolinguistic variation for Mexican speakers in Los Angeles. Additional research, however, may prove or disprove this claim. These findings are illustrated in the following chart:

Figure 8. /s/ Debuccalization across styles in Mexican Spanish.

Discussion and Conclusions

Indeed, our results indicate that /s/ debuccalization is a linguistic marker (Watt, 2007, p. 6) and that its use appears to be correlated with style. In the Puerto Rican dialect of Spanish spoken by Rosalie, the correlation is the strongest. In the Guatemalan dialect of Spanish spoken by Otto, the correlation is less pronounced than in the Puerto Rican dialect we investigated. In the Mexican dialect of Spanish spoken by Blanca, the correlation is the weakest. Although a correlation exists between style and /s/ debuccalization across these dialects, it must be noted that correlation does not imply causation. In other words, it would be fallacious to claim that differences of formality between styles alone affect the (non-)application of /s/ debuccalization. Such a claim risks removing agency from speakers themselves.

Within social interactions, a speaker’s consistent use or avoidance of geographically-specific features may signal a desire for particular associations which become salient depending on the sociolinguistic context. The use of these features is also mediated by the diglossic situation of Los Angeles, which affords varying levels of prestige to different Spanish varieties which come into contact in the city. For Puerto Rican speakers, for instance, /s/ debuccalization is a prominent feature in spontaneous speech, whereas for Guatemalan and Mexican speakers, its use is more variable and less pronounced. On the one hand, Rosalie, Otto, Blanca, and other Spanish-speaking LA residents, may adopt specific features of EVLA despite their own national origins and linguistic backgrounds because phonological processes such as /s/ debuccalization may index them as non-locals to speakers of EVLA and other varieties where /s/ debuccalization does not occur. On the other hand, the retention of dialectal features may be understood as a direct connection between speakers and their regions of origin where these features are found.

These sociolinguistic phenomena may also be understood according to the SPEAKING framework (Hymes, 1974b) and Accommodation Theory (Giles & Coupland 1991). We must consider our own identities and backgrounds as participants in our sociolinguistic interviews and those of the people whom our consultants called as variables which have influenced our interactions themselves. Accommodation Theory complements the SPEAKING framework of Hymes (1974b) by explaining sociolinguistic interactions through processes of convergence and divergence. In the former, speakers and interlocutors adapt their communicative behaviors, and in the latter, speakers accentuate their speech and nonverbal differences (Sánchez-Muñoz, 2017, p. 77). Thus, it is likely that our speakers’ convergence and divergence involving /s/ debuccalization involves a linguistic awareness of dialectal variation which is mediated not only by the presence or absence of this feature in the phonologies of their interlocutor(s) but also by the prestige afforded to EVLA at the expense of their native varieties.

Further Readings

If any of the topics above interested you, we recommend looking at some of the following blog posts and videos on YouTube:

  1. If you are interested in Puerto Rican Spanish, follow this link.
  2. If you are interested in language awareness and code-switching, follow this link. 

References

García, C., Walker, A., & Beaton, M. (2023). “Exploring the role of phonological environment in evaluating social meaning: the case of /s/ aspiration in Puerto Rican Spanish.” Languages, 8(3), 186. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages8030186.

Giles, H., & Coupland, N. (1991). Language: Contexts and Consequences. Brooks/Cole. Pacific. Grove, CA.

Herk, G. V. (2018). What Is Sociolinguistics? (2nd ed.). Wiley Blackwell.

Labov, W. (1972). “The social stratification of (r) in New York department stores.” In Labov, W. Sociolinguistic Patterns (pp. 43–54). University of Philadelphia Press. Philadelphia, PA.

Llamas, C. (2007). “Field methods.” In C. Llamas, L. Mullany, & P. Stockwell (Eds.), The Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics (pp. 12–18). Routledge.

Lipski, J. M. (2008). Varieties of Spanish in the United States. Georgetown University Press. Washington, D.C.

Menéndez Pidal, R. (1958). Manual de gramática histórica española (10th ed.). Espasa-Calpe. Madrid.

Sánchez-Muñoz, A. (2017). “Tempted by the words of another: Linguistic choices of Chicanas/os and other Latinas/os in Los Angeles.” In J. Rosales & V. Fonseca (Eds.), Spanish Perspectives on Chicano literature: Literary and Cultural Essays (pp. 71–81). Ohio State University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv3znwwz.9.

Tomás, N. T., & de Ramírez, M. T. V. (1999). El español en Puerto Rico: contribución a la geografía lingüística hispanoamericana. La Editorial, UPR.

Watt, D. (2007). “Variation and the variable.” In C. Llamas, L. Mullany, & P. Stockwell (Eds.), The Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics (pp. 3–11). Routledge.

Harris, J. W. (1969). Spanish Phonology. MIT Press, MA.

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The Gender Playbook of Stand-Up Comedy

Bilingualism, Sociolinguistics

Shaveon Sisson, Daria Avtukh, Chelsea Garcia, Frieda Lopez Mesina

When it comes to humor, women are typically criticized for being less funny or for trying too hard to be funny. There is a sense of discrimination and inequality when it comes to comedy and gender. Asking the questions, how do sex differences have an effect on comedic styles during stand-up comedy? And, to what extent do female comedians adopt male mannerisms and verbal expressions in their performances? We believed that in order for women to be taken seriously in comedy they possibly had to take up certain character roles in order to fit into their male-dominated industry. Believing that female comedians mimic male comedians, through mimicking in body language, word choice, and pragmatics like pitch in order to be seen as monetarily successful in humor and in the industry, which then phases out as they acquire more experience on stage. Through video observations of 3 different pairs of comedians that include various ethnicities and one sample from male and female groups, we were able to make a discovery about our theory that we did not expect.

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Introduction

Aayushi Sanghavi (2019) highlights that gender norms and perceptions of femininity have significantly prevented women from being recognized as “funny.” Historically, patriarchal systems have positioned men superior, including in humor. Research indicates that women’s speech is often perceived as tentative and powerless due to their use of tag questions, uptalk, and diminutive adjectives, while men are more direct and assertive, which applies to humor. This has led to the fallacy that women are not capable of exhibiting aggressive comedy. Most research in this area, conducted by men and focused on men, resulted in a bias associating masculinity with humor. In an industry where ‘funny men’ are celebrated but ‘funny women’ are merely tolerated, the question arises: Do female comedians need to adapt their communication style and stage presence to appear more masculine to be accepted and marketable? Our research focuses on comedians with less than ten years (newbies), ten to fifteen years (mid-career), and fifteen to twenty years (late-career) of professional experience. We will examine a woman and a man in each category, randomizing race, keeping track of filler words, body language, uptalk/pitch, and laughter by observing their performances and analyzing recorded material to gather data for our research.

Methods

To properly analyze comedians’ stand-up videos, we addressed the following questions: How do sex differences affect comedic styles during stand-up? To what extent do female comedians adopt male mannerisms and verbal expressions in their performances? Does this affect audience engagement? Are there differences in body language and vocal delivery between male and female comedians? Our group studied 6 comedians (3 female, 3 male), varying in experience (<10 years, 10-15 years, >20 years) collecting 1 hour of data per person. We watched two Youtube videos to study Ralph Barbosa and Andrea Jin, one Amazon Prime special and one Netflix special to study Mo’Nique, and 6 Netflix specials for Bill Burr, Taylor Tomlinson, and John Mulaney (two/each comedian)1. We analyzed vocal techniques, physical performance, joke content, structure, and timing. Inspired by Weitz’s “Sex differences in nonverbal communication” (1976), we focused on how sex roles affect each comedian’s profession. We identified differences in their rising voice intonation, fillers, body language, and laugh tracks based on their years of experience in the comedy industry. Our research indicates that the longer a comedian is in the industry, the less likely women are to adopt male mannerisms to fit into a male-dominated field, slightly contradicting our initial hypothesis.

Results

Vocal techniques.

  • Andrea Jin and Ralph Barbosa’s vocal shift was at a steady pace throughout the entireshow and I did not observe any shift between these two comedian styles.
  • Tomlinson often uses vocal fry and change in pitch to portray characters. Mulaney usesaccents and volume shifts to differentiate characters instead.
  • Monique uses code-switching and regional dialects from the South and East Coasts of theUnited States, while Bill employs a British accent. Both use uptalk/rising terminal, pitch,

    and volume shifts to portray different characters and emphasize the punchline. Physical presence.

  • Jin’s stage presence was frankly odd; she stayed in one spot throughout the whole show, in which she occasionally moved and showed the same presence. I recognize a similar behavior with Barbosa in which he was very stiff throughout the whole show, stayed in one spot, and once in a while he would sway back and forth.
  • Tomlinson remains mostly stationary, relying heavily on facial expressions, and only moves when portraying other characters. Mulaney uses his entire body, utilizing the entire stage, even when the joke doesn’t require it.
  • Mo’Nique seldom remained stationary; she favored a confident stride while she paced. Additionally, she utilizes gestures with her free hand approximately 95% of the time during her spoken communication. Bill Burr uses many gestures, such as kneeling, lunging, using the mic stand as a prop, and mimicking a blow-up doll, as well as utilizing gestures like strangling and kicking to depict violence. Bill accompanies his speech with hand gestures and is in motion about 80% of the time

Jokes content

  • Jin’s jokes were about personal stories, gender topics, and her transition from China. Barbosa particularly displayed his jokes about drugs, smoking, personal stories, and ethnic background. I noticed that both comedians shared a lot in common with their jokes.
  • Tomlinson jokes about sex, failed romantic relationships, gender differences, and religious trauma. Mulaney jokes about drug addictions and tells long autobiographical stories. Neither of the two used an excessive amount of filler words.
  • Mo’Nique incorporates camaraderie into her jokes about her numerous husbands, weight, being Black in Caucasian spaces, her career, and her experiences as a student in special education. Burr displayed traits from the feminine speech community while discussing male feminism, cultural appropriation, cancel culture, white male privilege, and family dynamics. In two hours, he used 115 filler words, 13 discourse markers, and 82 tag questions. They both use a significant amount of expletives. 

Structure

  • Jin’s structure of her jokes was very rushed, she didn’t give the audience a chance to soak in the jokes and moved along very quickly. I did notice that Jin had a lot of extra sentential switches which at the end of every joke she would say “uhhhuh” to let the audience know that she was done. Barbosa on the other hand was slow with his jokes but gave he the audience a chance to soak in the jokes with frequent pauses.
  • Tomlinson’s jokes are presented in separate sections with noticeable transitions. Mulaneytreats his performance as one long story with many sub stories.
  • Monique and Burr presented jokes in separate sections. Mo’Nique engages with thecrowd, while Burr uses “ahhh” and “alright” as transitions. Timing.
  • As I mentioned before Jin rushed her transition between topics in which the structure of her jokes didn’t follow through and there were multiple awkward pauses in between her transitions. Barbosa on the other hand had noticeable transitions but did take a long time to finish a joke.
  • Both comedians used more pauses later in their careers. Tomlinson would use “anyway”, “so yeah”, “and uh…” right after delivering the punchline to seem nonchalant or to possibly prepare in case the joke doesn’t “land”. Mulaney took noticeably long, dramatic pauses to let the audience laugh.
  • Although Burr’s timing varies with choppiness, short pauses, and speeding through the jokes, Monique, on the other hand, takes fewer pauses and delivers a slowly timed punchline. 

Discussion

The observed patterns have supported our hypothesis only minimally. In early career comedians, Andrea Jin did fit the style of a hypothesis, appearing to have a masculine style. She used arm motions to dissociate body parts, joked about typical gender issues to connect with the female audience. Barbosa, however, maintained a neutral approach, which did not support our gender-based hypothesis. Mid-career comedians Taylor Tomlinson and John Mulaney showed more contrasting styles, Tomlinson being more timid and scripted, while Mulaney was more relaxed and confident. However, surprising findings include Tomlinson’s prevalence in sex-related jokes compared to Mulaney. Our findings possibly suggest that women feel more restricted in their performances, while men have greater confidence to take up more space. However, we soon found contradicting evidence, with Mo’Nique’s performance challenging this idea, since this late-career comedian embraced her feminine sexuality through her attire, confident struts on the stage, and bold delivery of jokes. Contrary to the existing literature on usage of filler words between genders (Laserna, Seih, and Pennebaker), we found that filler words were not used by women, with seasoned comedian Bill Burr using them the most, while others hardly used them. Observing both of the late-career comedians raised questions on whether Mo’Nique felt the need to compensate by her spectacular presentation since she is a double minority as a black woman, and if being a part of a majority (white male) influences the comedic style of a comedian.

Our content study challenges the notion that female comedians must adopt male mannerisms to be seen as competent in the field. While gender norms play a role, factors like parenting styles, personal choices and branding, past experiences, and social conditioning are also influential. Our hypothesis was partially supported as less experienced female comedians showed more masculine behavior, and this decreased after 10 years in the field. Females in their mid-career and late career often joked about sex and porn, unlike beginner female comedians and male comedians. Notably, Bill Burr who has been in the industry for 30 years, used many filler words, compared to beginner performers who instead used more awkward sounds. Future studies should explore larger samples, longer time frames, and in-person observations to provide deeper insight. We found that female and male comedians viewed certain topics differently with women feeling more comfortable joking about sex. While our hypothesis was minimally supported, comedy styles seem to be shaped by socio-cultural background, personal styles, and past experiences, rather than by gender mimicry. Further research is needed to assess how gender dynamics evolve in a comedian’s career trajectory.

References

Binder, M. (Director). (2022). Bill Burr: Live at Red Rocks [TV Special]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/

Binder, M. (Director). (2019). Bill Burr: Paper Tiger [TV Special]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/

Lakoff, R. (1975). Language and woman’s place. Harper And Row.

Laserna, C. M., Seih, Y.-T., & Pennebaker, J. W. (2014). Um… Who Like Says You Know: Filler Word Use as a Function of Age, Gender, and Personality. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 33(3), 331-340.

Mercado, K. (Director). (2022). Taylor Tomlinson: Look at You [TV Special]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/

Mizejewski, L. (2014). Pretty/Funny. University of Texas Press.
Raboy, M. (Director). (2020). Taylor Tomlinson: Quarter-Life Crisis [TV Special]. Netflix.

https://www.netflix.com/
Ritchart, A., & Arvaniti, A. (2013). The use of high rise terminals in Southern Californian

English. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 134(5), 4198–4198.

https://doi.org/10.1121/1.4831401

Frazier, L. (Director). (2023). Mo’Nique: My Name Is Mo’Nique [TV Special]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/

Sanghavi, A. (2019). The Effects of 21st Century Digital Media On the Changing Perceptions of Women’s Humour and Female Comedians. https://doi.org/10.33422/6th.icrbs.2019.07.430

Small, L. (Director). (2004). Mo’Nique: One Night Stand [TV Special]. Amazon. https://www.amazon.com/

8

Timbers, A. (Director). (2023). John Mulaney: Baby J [TV Special]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/

Timbers, A. (Director). (2018). John Mulaney: Kid Gorgeous at Radio City [TV Special]. Netflix.https://www.netflix.com/

Kallstig, A. (2021). Laughing in the Face of Danger: Performativity and Resistance in Zimbabwean Stand-up Comedy. Global Society : Journal of Interdisciplinary International Relations, 35(1), 45–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2020.1828295

Weitz, S. Sex differences in nonverbal communication. Sex Roles 2, 175–184 (1976). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00287250

Appendix A.

“Andrea Jin: Comedy Central Stand up” (2024).” Youtube. “Bill Burr: Live at Red Rocks” (2022). Netflix Special. “Bill Burr: Paper Tiger” (2019). Netflix Special.
“John Mulaney: Baby J” (2023). Netflix Special.

“John Mulaney: Kid Gorgeous at Radio City” (2018). Netflix Special. “Mo’Nique: My Name is Mo’Nique” (2023). Netflix Special. “Mo’Nique: One Night Stand” (2004). Amazon Special.
“Ralph Barbosa: Comedy Central Stand up” (2023). Youtube.

“Taylor Tomlinson: Look At You” (2022). Netflix Special. “Taylor Tomlinson: Quarter-Life Crisis” (2020). Netflix Special.

 

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