2024 – Page 6 – Languaged Life

No Güey, Spanish Social Media is a Language Unto Itself

Social media is the vehicle that carries much of our communication and culture across the internet nowadays. Unquestionably, its relevance to today’s society is irrefutable and its ability to be used across multiple languages is something to be studied. The focus of this article looks into whether social media influences Spanish speakers in their everyday use of Spanish like how popular trends across English social media does. This study observed popular trends in Spanish social media and slang often included in posts across popular platforms like Facebook, YouTube, Twitter (X), and Instagram. Then, surveyed UCLA students and high school students discussed their use of social media and whether they use slang learned from social media in their everyday interactions. Respondents showed that while the slang and language they pick up does match what is often seen in social media, they instead stated that they primarily picked up new words from people they talk to often, like friends and family, not social media. Our findings suggest that while social media is a strongly influential phenomenon on individuals, for the Spanish speaker it is more so a reflection of changes in their language rather than being the influencer.

Introduction and Background

Our research examined the dynamic interactions that occur between Spanish-speaking people and the constantly changing social media environment. Our main goal was to investigate the complex linguistic trends and shifts in Spanish that are made possible by Internet communication. We aimed to investigate how Spanish-speaking users’ word choices and phrases have changed as a result of digital communication platforms by closely examining the impact of social media culture on language use.

Social media platforms are vibrant centers of language exchange in today’s digitally connected world, where users participate in a variety of communication activities, from chats to formal discourse. Our goal in conducting this research was to clarify how this digital world has affected the development of Spanish language usage. Determining if linguistic patterns seen in online encounters result in changes to people’s face-to-face conversational styles was one of the main goals of our research.

The various ways that social media culture affects language use in Spanish-speaking populations are clarified by our findings. As people crossed the digital environment using a combination of traditional language rules and modern terms, we saw fascinating patterns of language creation and adaptation. Additionally, our research demonstrated the close connection between language use in online contexts and physical communication styles, emphasizing the interdependence of virtual and real-world interactions.

Recognizing the subtle aspects of language change on social media platforms is essential for understanding bigger societal transformations and cultural dynamics in today’s digital world. Our research sheds light on the constantly changing nature of language and communication in modern society by exploring the linguistic changes caused by online engagement.

Methods

Our research project embarked on an in-depth exploration, delving into the dynamic evolution of the Spanish language facilitated by the pervasive influence of social media platforms. Targeting Spanish-speaking users, particularly high school and college students, our study aimed to comprehensively understand linguistic trends and shifts induced by internet culture. Specifically, we sought to discern whether users’ word choice on social media platforms diverged from their conversational language usage. Our methodology encompassed two primary approaches: social media analysis and surveys conducted among high school and college-aged Spanish speakers.

To dissect linguistic patterns prevalent on social media, we undertook a meticulous examination of word choice employed by Spanish-speaking users across platforms such as TikTok, X, and Instagram. This process involved deploying conversational analysis techniques to scrutinize the content and language structure evident in user-generated posts, comments, and interactions. Through this methodological approach, our aim was to unearth prevailing trends in language use, encompassing the prevalence of slang and informal speech styles within these digital spaces. Simultaneously, we administered surveys to high school and college students who self-identified as Spanish speakers. These surveys were thoughtfully designed to ascertain the vocabulary and language preferences of students in their online interactions. By comparing the linguistic behaviors observed on social media with those reported in the surveys, we sought to elucidate any disparities or consistencies across different communication mediums. Furthermore, qualitative interviews conducted with a subset of participants provided additional insights into how social media platforms influence language use among Spanish-speaking youth, thereby shedding light on potential shifts towards either more informal or formal speech patterns.

Overall, our research endeavors were dedicated to unraveling the intricate relationship between social media culture and language evolution within the Spanish-speaking community, with a particular focus on high school students as a pivotal demographic in this evolving digital landscape.

Results and Analysis

Our observational data showed that Spanish-speaking online users, such as influencers from top-liked posts, frequently used slang or informal words in Spanish when recording a video. The most common words throughout the posts were the following: “no mames” (no way), “bichota” (a female drug lord or female empowerment), and “de veras” (really). For example, this line with “no mames” from a YouTube video with over a million views, has become a voiceover used by other influencers across social media platforms.

However, only 8 out of 22 participants from our survey data reported learning about “no mames” and “deveras” from social media, while more than half explained learning these and other Spanish words from their family and friends. No one reported learning about “bichota” and 3 participants reported learning about abbreviations, such as “que,” “porque,” and “te quiero mucho” from social media, which contrasted from our observational data.

Additionally, Figure 1 shows that about 60 % of participants reported “not at all” or “rarely” using Spanish words learned through social media compared to the 40 % who “sometimes” or “very often” use these Spanish words in everyday conversation.

Figure 1: Participants’ frequency of Spanish words or phrases (picked up through social media) in everyday conversations

Figure 2 illustrates the Spanish language proficiency of the participants to confirm that they were from Spanish-speaking communities when making our analysis.

Figure 2: Survey participants’ self-evaluated Spanish proficiency

Figure 3 summarizes the participants’ reasoning for using Spanish words from social media as “trendy/cool,” “funny,” and helpful when communicating with other Spanish speakers.

Figure 3: Reasons participants use Spanish words from social media

So, while an individual can use slang in social media and in everyday conversation, they will actively choose based on who they are talking to, which may not match what they encounter or see on social media.

Discussion and Conclusions

Our research ventured into the vibrant intersection of social media and the Spanish language, revealing intriguing insights about linguistic evolution in digital spaces. Despite the prevalent use of slang and informal expressions by Spanish-speaking influencers on platforms like TikTok, X, and Instagram, our findings suggest a nuanced relationship between online language trends and everyday speech. Contrary to our initial hypothesis, the majority of surveyed Spanish speakers did not attribute their linguistic repertoire to social media influences. Instead, personal interactions with friends and family emerged as the primary sources for acquiring new slang and expressions. This indicates a significant degree of linguistic autonomy among Spanish speakers, who navigate between the informal lexicon of digital spaces and the colloquial language of real-life conversations.

While social media undoubtedly shapes contemporary discourse, its role in directly influencing everyday Spanish language use appears limited. Our participants demonstrated a discerning approach to language adoption, selectively integrating social media slang into their conversations based on context and audience. This selective assimilation underscores the adaptive nature of language use, where individuals tailor their speech to suit specific social settings and relationships.

Our study sheds light on the complex dynamics of language evolution among Spanish speakers in the age of social media. While digital platforms offer a rich tapestry of linguistic innovation, the essence of language change remains deeply rooted in human interaction and social networks. Social media, therefore, serves more as a mirror reflecting ongoing linguistic shifts rather than the primary catalyst for change.

References

Alim, H. S. (2005). Hearing What’s Not Said and Missing What Is: Black Language in White Public Space

Cycyk, L. M., & De Anda, S. (2021). Media exposure and language experience: Examining associations from home observations in Mexican immigrant families in the US. Infant Behavior & Development, 63, 101554. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.infbeh.2021.101554

Gonçalves, B., & Sánchez, D. (2016). Learning about Spanish dialects through Twitter. Revista Internacional de Lingüística Iberoamericana, 14(2 (28)), 65–75. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26379776

Gottfried, J. (2024, January 31). Americans’ Social Media Use. Pew Research Center: Internet, Science & Tech. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2024/01/31/americans-social-media-use/

Kircher, Ruth, and Ethan Kutlu. “Multilingual Realities, Monolingual Ideologies: Social Media Representations of Spanish as a Heritage Language in the United States.” Applied Linguistics, vol. 44, no. 6, Jan. 2023, pp. 1077–99. https://doi.org/10.1093/applin/amac076.

Li, C., & Liu, J. (2017). Effects of using social networking sites in different languages: Does Spanish or English make a difference? Computers in Human Behavior, 74, 257–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2017.04.031

Majors, A. L. (2017) Social Media and Discourse: A Comparative Study of English and Spanish Apologies. LSU Master’s Theses. 4425.

Ramirez, N. J., Hippe, D. S., & Lindekugel, K. (2022). Electronic media and social features of language input in bilingually-raised Latinx infants. Infant Behavior and Development, 68, 101740, ISSN 0163-6383. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.infbeh.2022.101740.

language change, Slang, social media

Multimodal Interactions Between Solicitors and Students on Bruinwalk

Sociolinguistics

Reina, Pierce, Emily, Whitney, Nick

As the central thoroughfare on campus, Bruin Walk is a heavily trafficked walkway that is an important center of student life and interaction. Known as a place where student organizations hand out fliers about their club and fundraise, it is a site of frequent, multimodal communication between students passing by (“students”) and students marketing their clubs (“solicitors”). As students navigate solicitors from all directions who are trying to persuade them to accept their flier or buy a pastry, they must utilize different communicative strategies when indexing their acceptance or rejection of solicitors, considering norms of politeness in the unique communicative environment of Bruin Walk. Using participant observation, surveys, and interviews, this research focused on how students communicate their rejection or acceptance of solicitors in the context of politeness. We found that students overwhelmingly use non-verbal communication to signify their rejection of solicitors. Furthermore, we found that because of the unique communicative environment of Bruin Walk, students operate within altered norms of politeness. Students express their rejection in ways that normally would be considered rude, but are socially acceptable on Bruin Walk.

Introduction

If you want to get anywhere at UCLA, you’ll probably have to walk through Bruin Walk. As one of the central arteries to get to class, you will usually find a constant flow of people on Bruin Walk making it a prime location to get people’s attention and distribute information. Every weekday, student organizations, religious groups, and other groups not affiliated with UCLA set up camp on Bruin Walk. They sell food to raise money, hand out fliers to persuade people to join their club, or encourage students to support their cause. When you walk down Bruin Walk, you will certainly be bombarded by people trying to hand you fliers, see at least one club selling Porto’s pastries, or be approached by students from CalPirg asking for donations. Consequently, Bruin Walk is a site of frequent, multimodal communication between students and solicitors. Walking down Bruin Walk is a shared cultural experience of the UCLA Community, and the legacy of the phenomenon is memorialized through internet memes, skits at Spring Sing, and by tour guides explaining to potential future Bruins. While some students love checking out clubs and seeing what food is for sale, others dread the concentrated, intense intervals of social interaction it entails. As students navigate solicitors from all directions who are trying to persuade them to accept their flier or buy a pastry, they must utilize different communicative strategies when indexing their acceptance or rejection of solicitors. What are these linguistic strategies, and why do students choose them? Which ones are most frequent? Do students consider norms of politeness when interacting with solicitors? In order to answer these questions, we studied how students display rejection, support, or avoidance towards solicitors and how politeness operates in the context of Bruin Walk.

Background

Language is multimodal, meaning it encompasses more than just verbal communication and operates on “multiple levels and through multiple channels” (Jakobson, 1960, as cited in Ahearn, 2021, p. 35). Other modes of communication include “nonverbal gestures, gazes, facial expressions, body movements, written texts, computers, material objects, or other semiotic forms” (Ahearn, 2021, p. 35). Of particular interest for our research is nonverbal communication and body language as modes of meaning-making for students on Bruin Walk.

Politeness theory is a framework proposed by Brown and Levinson that seeks to understand how people use language to navigate social interaction and relationships, rooted in the concept of “face” (Brown and Levinson, 1987). Brown and Levinson describe “face” as the “public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself” (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 311). To make it simpler, think about the phrase “losing face”. This phrase means to be embarrassed or humiliated. Thus, people try to maintain their face in order to claim their self-image and be accepted by others. Brown and Levinson’s concept of face consists of “positive face”, which describes the desire to be approved, liked, and valued, and “negative face” which describes the desire for autonomy and freedom from imposition (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 311). People must cooperate with others to maintain their face, and will defend their face should it be threatened (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 311). Positive and negative face-threatening acts (FTAs) are those that could damage one’s self-esteem or autonomy, respectively (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 313). For example, someone telling you to do something would be a negative FTA because it imposes on your autonomy. An example of a positive FTA would be declining an invitation to a party because it would. Politeness strategies are ways to mitigate FTAs (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 315). For example, to mitigate a negative FTA, someone could use apologetic language before asking someone to do something (I’m sorry, excuse me, etc.). Polite strategies can also be described as “face-saving acts”.

On Bruin Walk, solicitors and students must navigate dynamics of politeness with regards to positive and negative FTAs and strategies. For example, when a solicitor approaches a student, they commit a positive FTA because they risk being rejected by students. At the same time, they commit a negative FTA because they are imposing on the autonomy of students. Students navigate decisions of whether to “save the face” of solicitors or protect their own autonomy.

The target community of our research is UCLA students on Bruin Walk, including students who are walking on campus, who we call students, and those who are soliciting on Bruin Walk, who we call solicitors. The language used in this community is English, unless a specific cultural club that speaks a different language and targets members of their culture is soliciting on Bruin Walk. Solicitors set up “booths” at the tables that line either side of Bruin Walk, where solicitors might hang colorful posters and signs that visually communicate their cause. Solicitors stand in front of their tables and make statements towards students walking by encouraging them to buy something or join their club. Many clubs hand out fliers to students as well. Consequently, students passing by must respond to the high volume of solicitors trying to communicate with them as they walk by.

Methods

In order to investigate our research questions, we used participant observation, surveys, and interviews. We observed interactions on Bruin Walk during times when students would be walking to class, as these are times when most solicitors are distributing flyers. We took notes on interactions and attempted to tally students based on the types of communication they exhibited (e.g. looking away or saying “no thank you”). However, this proved difficult as hundreds of students could walk by in a period of 10 minutes during peak hours, so it was hard to tally every interaction. On one occasion of doing our fieldwork, we focused on a single solicitor (a man representing a religious group) and tallied student responses to the solicitor over a 20-minute period during a less busy time. We primarily used this data in order to draw conclusions about how students communicate on Bruin Walk.

In addition to observations, we collected seven survey responses to questions about student’s experiences on Bruin Walk. We asked about what forms of communication students use, and why they avoid or engage in interaction. We also conducted two in-depth interviews with two people to further gain insight.

Results

After observing and tallying the ways students interacted with the single solicitor from the religious group, we found that people overwhelmingly used non-verbal signals such as shaking their heads, looking down, or completely ignoring solicitors as a way to express their rejection. Only 13% of interactions with this particular solicitor, positive or negative, involved verbal communication. Furthermore, 46% of students completely ignored the solicitor.

Figure 1: Tally of 44 student interactions with religious solicitor over a 20-minute period

Through the use of surveys, we found that students had various reasons for not interacting with solicitors on Bruin Walk, often relating to time constraints and social awkwardness (See Appendix for more in-depth interviews).

Discussion

When looking at the dynamics of politeness on Bruin Walk, we found that students and solicitors use and interpret negative and positive politeness strategies in ways that differ from normal politeness interactions. The frequent use of non-verbal communication by students contrasts the mostly verbal communication (along with non-verbal such as body movement, colorful signs, etc.) that solicitors use. Furthermore, it is intertwined with dynamics of politeness. Solicitors are almost always the initiators of interaction, committing a positive face threatening act when they risk being accepted or rejected by students, and a negative face-threatening act when they impose on the autonomy of students. Students assert autonomy and protect their negative face by using non-verbal communication to signify avoidance, and rarely make the effort to save the positive face of solicitors. Students feel that it is acceptable to completely ignore solicitors. While normally completely ignoring someone who risks their positive would be considered rude, it is socially acceptable on Bruin Walk. One solicitor we interviewed said that they didn’t think it was rude to ignore solicitors, because he empathized with the desire to be left alone (See Interview 3). However, he did think it was nice when people acknowledged him. Furthermore, solicitors adapt their politeness strategies based on the student’s behavior, demonstrating the specified nature of how some solicitors engage with students depending on the situation. This demonstrates how people engage in altered acts of politeness due to the unique communicative environment of Bruin Walk.

This research helps people understand that navigating politeness strategies is complex and that norms of politeness differ greatly in different settings even when situated within the same larger cultural context. For further study, it would be interesting to investigate the role of gender and ethnicity on Bruin Walk interactions.

References

Ahearn, L. M. (2021). Gesture, Sign Languages, and Multimodality. In Living Language: An Introduction to Linguistic Anthropology, Third Edition (pp. 35–53). John Wiley & Sons.

Brown, P., & Levinson, S.C. (1987) Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Studies in Interactional Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Appendix A: Interviews

Interview 1: 2^nd Year Commuter Student

How many times per day do you walk down Bruin Walk? Are you usually walking or with friends?
I am usually by myself. I walk there about once or twice a day, since I commute and I usually pass by there when I go to Ackerman.
Do you usually interact with solicitors down Bruin Walk? If so, what usually calls your attention?
I don’t like to. I am a very awkward person.
Do you like when solicitors interact with you down Bruin Walk?
No.
Why don’t you like interacting with solicitors down Bruin Walk?
Because I am in a hurry to go to class, usually I am always running late.
How do you think solicitors are most effective at getting your attention? What signals do they use?
When there are a lot of people, I like to see what’s up because they might be selling something I’d be interested in.
Are there certain strategies that you think are rude?
I think it’s rude when they see me wearing my headphones and try to talk to me.
Do you feel bad when you ignore a solicitor?
YES! But I’m just trying to get to class.
What do you think about the environment of Bruin Walk makes it so notorious for lots of interactions with solicitors?
Since it’s always so busy with many students, every club provides different opportunities for students to interact with things of their liking. I really like that Bruin Walk exists for people who want to be more involved. But I personally would like to be more involved, it’s just the fact that I am a commuter that I do not have time to even join any clubs or be involved.

Interview 2: 2^nd Year Student, Lives off-campus

How many times per day do you walk down Bruin Walk? Are you usually walking or with friends?
Maybe like 2-3 a day. I just walk alone.
Do you usually interact with solicitors down Bruin Walk? If so, what usually calls your attention?
I hate interacting with solicitors down Bruin Walk! I just hate it. Like I am just trying to get to class, and they are always waving their fliers, and waving their hands to get my attention. I even try to avoid walking down Bruin Walk, it’s the same thing every single time.
Do you like when solicitors interact with you down Bruin Walk?
No. Not at all.
Why don’t you like interacting with solicitors down Bruin Walk?
I am so awkward and I hate interacting with people I do not know. Especially people down Bruin Walk are annoying. I’m sorry.
How do you think solicitors are most effective at getting your attention? What signals do they use?
Honestly, I get why they do it. Some of them are just trying to make their money and that’s good. But they should know who and not to approach, especially when I have my head facing down to avoid them.
Are there certain strategies that you think are rude?
I just don’t like when they interact with me while they see me with my head down and my big headphones.
Do you feel bad when you ignore a solicitor?
Not really.
What do you think about the environment of Bruin Walk makes it so notorious for lots of interactions with solicitors?
There are different clubs that could potentially interest people. I know I have to join clubs and make more social interactions. Since I’ve been at UCLA, I have not really made friends, and I live in an apartment in Westwood, but I do not have many friends. I need to also build my resume for a better job, and I know that joining those clubs that are on Bruin Walk would be good. I am just socially awkward, but that’s something I need to work on. The good thing is that whenever I am ready Bruin Walk is there for me to go and join a club or something.

Interview 3: Solicitor for a Pre-Med Club

Are there any circumstances in which you won’t approach someone?
“If someone is intentionally avoidant I probably won’t talk to them. Body language is very indicative. If people are in a large group I probably won’t talk to them either.”
Do you think it’s rude when people ignore you?
“I don’t think it’s rude when people ignore me, but it’s nice when they acknowledge me. I get that people don’t want to be bothered, because sometimes I’m walking on Bruin Walk and just want to be left alone”

college students, Politeness, solicitors

CODE SWITCHING!: A phenomenon among bilinguals and its deeper role in identity formation

Bilingualism

Leon Kaprielian, Octavio Santana, Sahil Sadiq

In an era marked by globalization and multiculturalism, the phenomenon of code-switching has emerged as a crucial aspect of language dynamics and identity formation among bilinguals. The complexities of code-switching, its popularity, and its deeper ramifications for people navigating many linguistic and cultural domains are explored in this research. We examine how code-switching is used in immigrant communities as a tool for social interaction, identity negotiation, and effective communication through a multidisciplinary lens that takes into account linguistic, cognitive, cultural, and social factors. Based on naturalistic observations and interviews with Farsi, Spanish, and Arabic bilingual speakers, we investigate the complex patterns of code-switching in various age groups and social circumstances. Our research shows that code-switching is a reflection of complex social dynamics, such as social hierarchy, respect for elders, and the maintenance of cultural identity, rather than just a linguistic issue. This study emphasizes how crucial it is to comprehend language practices in a multicultural and globalized world by shedding light on the significance of code-switching in forming people’s identities and social structures.

Introduction

Code-switching was formerly thought to be a linguistic oddity, but research has since shown that it is a regular aspect of language use. It illustrates the intricate interactions between linguistic, cognitive, cultural, and social elements that influence social interaction and identity formation. Determining the mechanics of bilingualism and multiculturalism, illuminating the complex ways language influences social structures and human interaction requires an understanding of code-switching.

What is code-switching?!

Code-switching is the fluid transition between two or more languages in a single discourse and is an effective communication and identity-negotiation technique for immigrant communities. Moreover, it is a great way for individuals to build rapport with members who speak the same language. The informal aspect of this will lead to a higher frequency of code-switching and a willingness to express one’s cultural identity, as opposed to a formal environment. In terms of the types of code-switching, it comes in three forms, intrasentential, intersentential, and tag switching.

Figure 1: Types of code-switching: intersentential, intra-sentential, and tag-switching

New to code-switching? Here are the methods we used and how you can do it too!

In this post, we’ll discuss methods used for collecting the data that include studying code-switching in a natural environment, and with the authentic use of language by bilingual or multilingual speakers. One of the ways we are going to collect the data is by naturalistic observation. This involves observing naturally occurring conversations in its most pure form, which is essentially the most authentic form of data collection by bilingual and multilingual individuals. To give an extra set of diversity and universality in this regard, there are going to be 3 languages discussed: Farsi, Spanish, and Arabic.

Results

Farsi (Dari)

There is a difference in the amount of code-switching in regards to whether a Gen Z immigrant is speaking with their own age group or with elders. In Farsi, when one is speaking with elders, it occurs at a much higher frequency and it is more on the “Intersentential” level. The reasoning is due to 1) Innate understanding that the elders prefer the native language 2) The elders’ proficiency in English is not as advanced.

In regards to when the Gen Z bilinguals speak amongst themselves, there is more English spoken, and during the naturalistic observation, the ratio was 80% English to 20% Farsi. When the code-switching did occur, unlike with the elders, which (was usually intersentential), it was intrasentential and tag-switching.

Figure 2: Frequency of code-switching among Farsi speakers (Example: “Bro he’s extremely نابغه (genius) when he explains things. – this is an example of tag-switching)

Lastly, although naturalistic observation was the main method to keep the results as organic as possible, interviews with 2 of the Gen Z members were held to articulate and discuss potential biases and limitations. One of the members (20 years old) said the code-switching just happened naturally without much thought. The eldest in the observation (29) said that he does it naturally but also consciously, either due to the fact certain words in Farsi seem articulated better, and also to build rapport with the group culturally, which ties into our main thesis that the phenomenon of code-switching is usually intimately linked to one’s cultural identity.

Spanish

To continue, Spanish and English bilingual speakers tend to gravitate towards an unofficial language, Spanglish. This is when English and Spanish are combined in conversation. Spanglish is a form of code-switching, setting the foundations for forming one’s identity, while simultaneously maintaining their culture.

The method used was a naturalistic observation of a phone call between a bilingual speaker and their parents. They answered the phone in English, just like they do with friends and people of the same age. Spanish was used rarely and the language used had no link to what type of person they were speaking to. The phone then got passed to the speaker’s grandma, and that is when the bilingual speaker started speaking only Spanish. The Spanish the speaker used were easy to decipher that they were speaking to someone of an older age because words like “usted”(you) and “mande”(excuse me) were used. These are formal words and are used when speaking to strangers or elders.

After tallying up the number of formal words used in the phone call, all of them came when speaking Spanish, except one coming from English. The research shows that code-switching can occur within a family and also how a change of language is made to show respect. The same goal could not be achieved with English, since Spanish has an emphasis on formal speaking, causing the speaker to have a complete shift of identity when code-switching.

Figure 2: Frequency of formal words used between Spanish and English from a bilingual speaker

Language is inherently tied to respect when concerning age, class, and gender in Spanish, showing how language can shape the way one thinks.

Arabic

Bilingual Arabic speakers are more likely to use religious jargon (inshallah, mashallah) when interacting with parents and other elders. When speaking to friends, siblings, and cousins they are most likely to speak a 70/30 mix of English and Arabic in contrast to a 20/80 mix when speaking to Elders. Another important consideration is the intonations and accents used for certain words when speaking each language. Because Arabic and English have a very different set of sounds, the same word can be pronounced differently depending on the spoken language. For example, most native speakers of both English and Arabic know that Pepsi – with a p – is the correct pronunciation of the soda, however, they will still pronounce it like Bebsi with a b sound when speaking Arabic. This is done to signal that the speaker is native in Arabic and is part of the Society of native Arabic speakers who do not use the P sound.

Discussion and Conclusions

All three languages investigated truly show just how intricate and complex languages are, especially when it comes to code-switching. Our research shows how code-switching plays an extremely crucial role in forming one’s identity and how it goes beyond just language. It reflects social dynamics like social status, respect for elders, and cultural identity preservation. Our study contributes to the gap of knowledge of understanding how native languages travel down from generation to generation in immigrant families in America, and how code-switching shapes who we are and the social groups we belong to.

References

Albirini, A. (2011). The sociolinguistic functions of codeswitching between Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic. Language in society, 40(5), 537-562.

Heller, M. (2020). Code-switching and the politics of language. In The bilingualism reader (pp. 163-176). Routledge.

Kachramanian, C. (2021). Bilingual Interactions: An Investigation into Code-switching and Its Purposes among Armenian-Dutch Bilinguals.

Klavans, J. L. (1985). The syntax of code-switching: Spanish and English. In Proceedings of the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (Vol. 14, pp. 213-231). Amsterdam: Benjamins.

Martin-Jones, M. (1995). Code-switching in the classroom: Two decades of research. One speaker, two languages: Cross-disciplinary perspectives on code-switching, 90-111.

Myers‐Scotton, C. (2017). Code‐switching. The handbook of sociolinguistics, 217-237.

bilingualism, bilinguals, Code-Switching, formality, immigrants, linguistic identity, multilingualism

Do actions really speak louder than words? Exploring Nonverbal Communication at UCLA Through a Lens of Internationality, Identity Formation, and Socialization

Sociolinguistics

Fanny Berger, Alyssa Cole, Helena Hu, Hunter Sarmiento, Makayla Smith

This article focuses on channels of nonverbal communication across different cultures; primarily, the study conducted aims to better understand differences in including, but not limited to, gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture across different cultures. A secondary focus was also shifted to understanding how people of different cultures interpret and perceive each other’s body language in a conversational context, and to the extent to which they feel comfortable understanding others’ nonverbal communication styles. The study was conducted in two rounds: preliminary data collection was performed across UCLA students of different cultural backgrounds, with a deeper dive into select respondents from different cultural backgrounds through extensive interviewing. Respondent data reflected that most nonverbal communication is influenced by cultural upbringing and interpreting body language from someone of a different culture proves to be a challenge for most, demonstrating the impact of culture, identity, and community on how one interacts with the world.

Introduction and Background

In America’s melting pot, communication transcends cultures as people of different cultural backgrounds are in constant contact with one another, whether that be through school, work, or day-to-day living. However, beneath the surface of words lies a complex web of nonverbal cues that often serve as the silent language of our interactions. These cues, ranging from facial expressions and gestures to physical positioning and body language, play a crucial role in conveying meaning and go hand-in-hand with verbal communication in socialization and acts of interaction (Phutela, 2015). Within this realm of nonverbal communication, culture plays an essential part. According to what a culture determines, there can be several meanings attached to one form of nonverbal communication, thus making cross-cultural communication all the more necessary to understand (Jabber & Mahmood, 2020).

Today, nonverbal communication is more important than ever—advanced video technology has enabled computer-mediated communication to expand the benefits of face-to-face communication, now making non-verbal communication available in multiple formats. Here at UCLA, over 106 countries are represented within the 2023-24 school year student body, meaning that people from all over the world can connect face-to-face in both academic and non-academic settings. We became interested in understanding the meaning of nonverbal communication across different cultures, specifically how these gestures and behaviors relate to having a sense of social belonging in a culturally diverse community like UCLA.

Methods

We employed a two-step process to conduct our research and answer our primary research question: How does nonverbal communication across cultural groups contribute to one’s identity and ability to participate in various social settings, such as forming friendships and interacting with peers and professors?

The first phase involved a preliminary Google Form meant to collect data on undergraduate students at UCLA and their understanding of the relationship between body language and their culture, as well as their perception of body language within other cultures. The survey was spread through social media and word of mouth, with additional outreach to cultural clubs on campus to recruit respondents. Via the survey, we were able to collect demographic information such as one’s year at UCLA, gender identity, and cultural identity. Respondents were then asked to rate themselves on a scale regarding how comfortable they felt in nonverbally communicating or interacting with other students and faculty on campus. Similarly, they were asked to detail any instances in which nonverbal communication was misinterpreted as a result of their sociocultural differences. The collected data was then transformed into visual illustrations, such as graphs and spreadsheets, which provide indications for how people of different cultural backgrounds both understand and participate in nonverbal communication.

In the second phase, we reached out to individuals who had engaged with our survey and collected a total of five interviews from individuals from China, South Korea, Hungary, Spain, and Taiwan. Through our interviews, we were able to gain a deeper understanding of nonverbal communication and its impacts concerning cultural identity and one’s lived experience on campus. Additionally, we learned about personal experiences in which miscommunication or misinterpretations have occurred after using nonverbal communication with someone from a culture different than their own. Our respondents were able to elaborate in more detail than on their prior responses on the Google Form and explain their understanding of nonverbal communication across sociocultural contexts and interactions on campus and beyond.

Results and Analysis

Our research project on nonverbal communication between various cultural groups provides some important insights into how cultural background affects the interpretation of nonverbal cues in a variety of social contexts. The project’s survey and interview data revealed that a substantial majority of participants (76.2%) agreed that their cultural backgrounds—which included people from Chinese, South Korean, British, Taiwanese, Spanish, Hungarian, and Indian backgrounds—have an impact on their nonverbal communication, which includes gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture (Figure 1). The study also found that the three most common nonverbal communication techniques used by people with these cultural identities are facial expressions, gestures, and eye contact (Figure 2). However, 47% of the respondents reported that they felt uneasy interpreting nonverbal cues from other cultures (Figure 4), and another 24% said that they had experienced a misunderstanding of nonverbal cues from someone of a different cultural background (Figure 5). These results demonstrate the nuanced function that nonverbal cues play in cross-cultural relationships, showing that these cues can both help and hinder connection between people of different cultural backgrounds in their attempts to understand each other.

Furthermore, our results yielded information regarding socialization and identity formation on campus. Through our survey and interviews, we were able to understand that students form in and out-groups according to feelings of acceptance or isolation associated with their nonverbal communication style. The students we interviewed explained that perceived cultural influences in their nonverbal communication caused them to feel a sense of social “othering” by American students who positioned themselves above these varying cultural identities due to their variation from the American, hegemonic standard at UCLA. With this, students embodied feelings of anxiety and disconnection that enabled them to develop in-groups with other international students, while feeling like a collective out-group from American students and faculty. Similarly, our research further supports the elimination of universal forms of nonverbal communication as both the expression and interpretation of nonverbal communication differ widely according to culture. This is additionally evidenced by students’ use of code-switching in nonverbal communication on campus. Many students expressed that they picked up on more Americanized forms of nonverbal communication, such as being more forward with their gestures and body language, and adapted their own forms of nonverbal communication to conform with this standard. For example, in our interview with a South Korean student, she expressed that she has a nonverbal linguistic repertoire of both South Korean and American influence and can “tap into” each form of nonverbal communication depending on who she is talking to. Through our research, we were able to gather data on the importance of nonverbal communication in identity expression, social and scholastic inclusion, and sociocultural power dynamics.

Figure 1: Cultural Influence on Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Definitely.

Figure 2: Most Common Forms of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the forms of nonverbal communication. The X-axis represents the number of responses.

Figure 3: Cultural Importance of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.

Figure 4: Comfortability in Interpreting Nonverbal Communication from Different Cultural Backgrounds. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.

Figure 5: Cultural Influence on Misunderstandings in Nonverbal Communication.

Discussion and Conclusion

Our results illuminate that a multitude of misunderstandings within nonverbal communication arise from a difference in sociocultural upbringing. Although our results were specific to UCLA students, our research on nonverbal communication and its cultural ties serves as a model for further understanding and analyzing the implications of nonverbal communication on socialization and identity formation. College campuses are known to be extremely diverse communities, bringing in students from all around the world, thus replicating a larger world context through a social and scholastic lens. In this context, we were able to understand that cultural background largely influences how people both express and interpret nonverbal communication. Misinterpretations, as well as feelings of social isolation, were directly tied to cultural differences in nonverbal communication, with students expressing their need to code-switch and conform to American standards of nonverbal communication to feel fully comfortable interacting on campus. It is these nonverbal misunderstandings that play into the larger phenomenon of miscommunication due to cultural differences, thus pointing to the need to study this subject further.

The main point of our study was to provide awareness of a struggle that many students experience at UCLA, but, similarly, what many people face on a day-to-day basis around the world. We want to provide empathy regarding differences in communication and how cultural influence should be recognized and accepted instead of stigmatized. It is essential to understand how cultural identities influence nonverbal communication to not only ensure ease in interaction and information sharing, but to also ensure that all individuals, no matter their cultural background, feel included and understood. We hope our project further sparks discussions about nonverbal communication and its sociocultural influences in order to increase cross-cultural competence, enhance empathy, and educate others on the importance of communication.

References

Akkilinc, F. (2019, August). The Body Language of Culture. International Journal for Innovation Education and Research, 7(8), 32-39. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335689301_The_Body_Language_of_Culture

Jabber, K. W., & Mahmood, A. A. (2020). Non-verbal communication between two non-native English speakers: Iraqi and Chinese. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 10(2), 189-196.

Kirch, M. S. (1979). Non-Verbal Communication across Cultures. The Modern Language Journal, 63(8), 416-423. https://www.jstor.org/stable/326027

Phutela, D. (2015). The importance of non-verbal communication. IUP Journal of Soft Skills, 9(4), 43.

Ren, Z. (2014). Body Language in Different Cultures. US-China Foreign Language, 12(12). https://doi.org/10.17265/1539-8080/2014.12.008

Rugsaken, K. (2006). Body Speaks: Body Language Around the World. NACADA. https://nacada.ksu.edu/Resources/Clearinghouse/View-Articles/Body-Language-Around-the-World.aspx

Thompson, J. (2023, May 15). How Much of Communication is Nonverbal?. The University of Texas Permian Basin. https://online.utpb.edu/about-us/articles/communication/how-much-of-communication-is-nonverbal/

body language, Code-Switching, college students, cultural identity, miscommunication

The Power of Bilingualism: Cultural Identification Amongst LA Bilinguals

Bilingualism

Marnie Cavanaugh, Reese Gover, Ethan Lee, Elisa Marin, Eva Reyman

Did you know that Los Angeles is the second most bilingual city in the US? Intrigued by the relevance of this topic, we were interested in taking a deeper dive into how the bilingual experience in LA shapes cultural identification and belonging, focusing on bilingual Spanish speakers. Although bilingualism can allow someone to connect to a broader range of people, we hypothesized at the beginning of our research that English-Spanish bilinguals in LA may feel cultural isolation. Feeling too American to connect to Hispanic culture, but with the knowledge of the Spanish language, too Hispanic to fit into American mainstream culture. However, our research concluded that being bilingual does not hinder one’s ability to connect with multicultural communities. Rather, bilingualism enhances it. Bilingualism helps thousands in the LA area connect with their Hispanic culture through the use of Spanish and American mainstream culture through their knowledge of English. Speech communities become expanded through their understanding of two or more languages. Cultural identification does not have to mean choosing one culture over the other. Many bilingual individuals choose to identify cross-culturally. Bilingualism in the LA area seems to be a tool to form greater connections rather than a tool that inhibits one’s ability to understand their cultural identification.

Introduction and Background

Our project examines Spanish-English bilingualism within Los Angeles, specifically focusing on how speaking Spanish and English affects the size and strength of speakers’ speech communities. Our community of practice is Spanish-English bilinguals who primarily reside in Los Angeles. Among this population, we studied the narrative aspects of language and language in use, asking bilinguals to tell their own stories through a mix of semi-structured interviews and survey responses. Using these methods, we examined how Spanish-English bilinguals in L.A. utilize their knowledge of both languages to signal belonging in various speech communities and how their bilingualism affects the communities to which they belong. Our main questions are: What role does Spanish-English bilingualism play in the size of one’s speech community within Los Angeles? Does Spanish-English bilingualism lead to increased community, or does it cause feelings of isolation? We hypothesized that, though bilingualism may theoretically create larger speech communities, Spanish-English bilinguals in L.A. may feel isolated from English- and Spanish-speaking communities.

Bilingualism is a trait that most people in the world share (Schroeder et al. 2017). But much of the bilingual experience is yet to be discovered. Our focus on the development of cultural identity amongst Spanish-English bilinguals in Los Angeles fits within the knowledge gaps in previous research surrounding this topic.

Ana Sanchez-Munoz (2018) discusses Los Angeles as a bilingual, bicultural city, emphasizing the unique role that Spanish and English speakers play in creating their sociolinguistic environment. Her research examines language practices in educational settings, finding that English is more commonly spoken than Spanish, suggesting that Spanish-English bilinguals may assume different linguistic identities in formal (i.e., educational) and casual settings. Thus, we were inspired to obtain data on the languages that Spanish-English bilinguals utilize more often in different social environments.

Likewise, Norma Mendoza-Denton and Bryan James Gordon (2011) argue that Hispanic identity is mediated through language ideologies prioritizing English speakers over Spanish speakers. Bilinguals occupy a liminal space, where they’re privileged over non-English speakers, especially in professional settings, and pressured to fit within an English-majority society through linguistic assimilation (Mendoza-Denton & Gordon 2011). Their research provides a framework for us to formulate interview questions surrounding participants’ feelings of inclusion/exclusion within English- and Spanish-speaking communities.

Moreover, Carmen Silva-Corvolan (1986) observed 27 Spanish-English bilinguals in East L.A., researching the effects of linguistic contact between multiple languages. She found that where consistent language contact occurs, linguistic simplification often follows. This is important to consider not only to understand how bilinguals may have differing levels of fluency in different languages but also because the shifts in language unique to Los Angeles bilinguals suggest the formation of unique, bilingual-focused speech communities.

Research focusing on the cognitive and developmental aspects of bilingualism helped structure our survey and interview questions. Raluca Barac and Ellen Bialystok (2012) discuss the effects of bilingualism on cognitive ability. A survey of 104 bilingual and monolingual six-year-olds found that bilingual children performed better on cognitive tasks when they received instructions in their primary language (Barac & Bialystok 2012). The findings from this study suggest that Spanish-English bilinguals may feel more comfortable utilizing the language they learned first and thus participate more in the speech communities associated with their primary language.

This literature review provided us with a baseline of knowledge. It structured our methods, allowing us to explore the topic of cultural identification among Spanish-English bilinguals in Los Angeles in an informed, systematic manner. Our findings suggest that contrary to our hypothesis, speaking Spanish is integral to participants’ feelings of inclusion in both Spanish and English speech communities. The majority of participants reported feelings of belonging to both language communities. Additionally, many participants noted that bilingualism was a beneficial attribute in their personal and professional lives.

Methods

We used three different methods of data collection to provide our project with a well-rounded, comprehensive understanding of our topic. First, we utilized a review of relevant literature (noted above) to provide context and relevant information for our research. As well, the knowledge gaps we identified justified our research questions. Second, we used a 14-question survey incorporating True/False, Likert scale, and optional open-ended questions. The criteria for survey respondents were that they are Spanish-English bilinguals primarily residing in Los Angeles; responses were anonymous, though demographic data (age, gender, primary language) was collected. Finally, we utilized a 15-question, semi-structured interview to gain in-depth, qualitative data. Each group member conducted one interview, resulting in five interviews. Similarly to survey participants, interviewees were required to be Spanish-English bilinguals primarily residing in Los Angeles. Interviews lasted 20-30 minutes each. The observable elements of communication we studied included participants’ fluency in both languages, the speech communities they most identified with and participated in, and feelings of isolation or inclusion regarding speech communities.

Results and Analysis

We first surveyed Spanish-English bilingualism and received nineteen responses. The survey had twelve demographic, multiple choice, true/false, and Likert-scale type questions, as well as two optional open-ended questions, where respondents could expand on their previous answers. We received seven responses for these open-ended questions, which expanded on the question, “Do you ever feel isolated from one culture because you don’t know Spanish/English enough to feel included?” We also received eight responses expanding on the true/false statement, “Bilingualism helps me more than it hurts me.” The survey questions and responses are shown in Figures 1, 2, and 3 below.

Figure 1: Responses to survey question: “Do you ever feel isolated from one culture because you don’t know Spanish/English enough to feel included?”

Figure 2: Responses to survey prompt: “Bilingualism helps me more than it hurts me”

Figure 3: Responses to survey question: “Which culture do you identify more with?”

After the survey, we each conducted one interview. Table 1 provides select quotes from each interview, along with the main themes that these quotes suggest. Out of five interviewees, two specifically mentioned feeling insecure speaking Spanish and fearing they would be made fun of for their speaking ability, one interviewee stated “[in Argentina] I don’t feel like I’m Hispanic enough”. The other two interviewees didn’t mention personal experiences of feeling isolated. Despite citing feelings of isolation, interviewees also spoke about how bilingualism is beneficial. Interviewees stated that their speech community is larger and their connection to their heritage increased due to their ability. Bilingualism was seen as a positive trait that they desired to pass on.

Table 1: Quotes from interviews with five Spanish-English bilinguals

Discussion and Conclusions

Throughout the study, we found our original hypothesis that Spanish-English bilinguals would feel isolated to be generally incorrect. Our interviewees claim that being bilingual has aided them in the way of social and professional opportunities, with one stating “I’ve had more educational opportunities since I do research in Spanish [at university]”. While two of our interviewees explicitly expressed insecurity about speaking Spanish, it was a general feeling among our interviewees that bilingualism made them feel included. Our interviewees see their bilingualism as a crucial part of their identity and a method for connecting with their heritage. Interviewees cited connection to culture as a main reason for wanting to pass on bilingualism. The data collected is useful for understanding the importance of language to Hispanic identity in Spanish-English bilinguals.

References

Ahearn, L. M. (2021). Living Language: An Introduction to Linguistic Anthropology. Wiley Blackwell.

Barac, R., & Bialystok, E. (2012). Bilingual Effects on Cognitive and Linguistic Development: Role of Language, Cultural Background, and Education. Child Development, 83(2), 413–422. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41416093

Mendoza-Denton, N., & Gordon, B. J. (2011). Language and Social Meaning in Bilingual Mexico and the United States. In The Handbook of Hispanic Sociolinguistics (pp. 553–578). Wiley-Blackwell. https://www.norma-mendoza-denton.com/_files/ugd/e4ef1f_932d492a6a7e4b73ba091db41ee046f3.pdf

Sanchez-Munoz, A. (2019). Bilingualism in California: The Case of Los Angeles. In Biculturalism and Spanish in Contact: Sociolinguistic Case Studies (pp. 51–68). Taylor & Francis/Routledge.

Schroeder, S. R., Lam, T. Q., & Marian, V. (2017). Linguistic Predictors of Cultural Identification in Bilinguals. Applied linguistics, 38(4), 463–488. https://doi.org/10.1093/applin/amv049

Silva-Corvalan, C. (1986). Bilingualism and Language Change: The Extension of Estar in Los Angeles Spanish. Language, 62(3), 587–608. https://doi.org/10.2307/415479

bilingualism, bilinguals, cultural identity, Los Angeles, speech community

Tongue-Tied Off a Tab: Can Linguistic Effects of LSD Reimagine How We Approach Mental Health Research?

Sociolinguistics

In our project, we investigated three linguistic variables – Disfluency/Stuttering, Figurative Language, and Introspection/Emotional Language – to explore their occurrence and patterns in speech, particularly under the influence of LSD. Disfluency manifests as disruptions or hesitations in speech, while stuttering involves involuntary sound repetition. Figurative language employs metaphors and analogies, and introspective/emotional language conveys inner thoughts and feelings. Through data analysis, we observed instances of disfluency, such as stuttering, unfinished sentences, and prolonged pauses, alongside examples of figurative language, like metaphoric expressions. Throughout the timeframe, introspective language emerged, reflecting individuals’ contemplation of existential questions and emotional experiences.

Our findings revealed a notable increase in all three linguistic variables among LSD-exposed individuals compared to controls. This heightened occurrence suggests a potential influence of LSD on speech patterns, with introspective and figurative language showing significant upticks. Notably, the use of introspective language during LSD exposure may hold implications for therapeutic practices, particularly in trauma-focused therapy and emotional exploration. Leveraging LSD’s capacity to facilitate uninhibited self-expression, therapists could effectively navigate sensitive topics and evoke relevant memories, potentially enhancing treatment outcomes for individuals struggling with emotional trauma.

The linguistic effects of LSD present promising avenues for advancing mental health research and therapeutic interventions. By harnessing the potential of psychedelics like LSD within therapeutic contexts, we may redefine approaches to trauma resolution and personal growth. With further exploration and integration of these findings into clinical practice, we anticipate transformative changes in mental health treatment paradigms, offering hope for individuals across diverse communities.

Introduction and Background

Can psychedelics really be used as a medical treatment? This is a question that has puzzled the minds of researchers since the late 1900s. It has been long known that LSD impacts cognitive function (Wießner et. al, 2023). As such, researchers were interested to see if LSD could impact language usage. One study has observed that people under the influence of LSD have increased usage of emotional language and metaphorical speech (Bryła, 2022). Additionally, another study has seen that there is an increase in disfluency and incoherent speech when people talk under the influence of LSD (Sanz et. al, 2021). Although there has been interest in using psychedelic drugs such as LSD as an alternative way to treat people with mental disorders, there has not been much research on how exactly LSD affects communication.

Our research aims to elucidate how LSD impacts communication by examining the patterns of speech of people under the influence of LSD and comparing it to the normal speech of people who are not under the influence of any psychedelics. We hypothesize that LSD will cause an increase in disfluency, such as disruptions stuttering, and figurative language use. Our research contributes to the psychedelic research field by studying specific linguistic variables that have not yet been studied in the context of LSD and other psychedelics. LSD is an illegal drug, making it difficult for researchers to legally obtain and study it under ethical conditions. It is important to fully understand the effects of LSD before using it as an approved medical treatment.

Methods

For our methods, all subjects in this project design are adults between the ages of 21 and 30 years old, and they all identify as frequent LSD users. Under the influence of LSD, we observed patterns of disfluency, stuttering, emotional/introspective language, and figurative language use. We gathered data from two primary sources. The first source was a public YouTube video titled, “Adam and Quentin’s ENTIRE Live Acid Trip | Bicycle Day Special”. The video was posted on April 21st, 2021, and went on for 5.5 hours. The participants in this video, Adam and Quentin, both spent the first 10 minutes of the video sober. We observed their speech patterns and behavior during this time as the control. After 10 minutes had passed, both took 250ug of LSD and felt the effects about 45 minutes later. Our second source consisted of 4 anonymous volunteers who took 150µg of LSD each. For the control, their sober speech and behavior were observed and recorded for about 30 minutes before taking the LSD. On average each volunteer felt the effects take hold about 1 hour after consumption and the effects wore off after about 4.5 hours. All 4 participants experienced this trip together and were recorded with oral and written consent. Due to confidentiality agreements as well as ethical and safety measures for our volunteers, their names were omitted from this project and the recording was converted into a transcript.

Results and Analysis

Figure 1: Comparing rates of disfluency, introspective / emotional language, and figurative language between volunteers who had taken LSD and the control group

Figure 2: Rates of disfluency among volunteers who had taken LSD

Figure 3: Rates of introspective / emotional language among volunteers who had taken LSD

Figure 4: Rates of figurative language among volunteers who had taken LSD

In our project, we studied three linguistic variables: Disfluency/Stuttering, Figurative Language, and Introspection/Emotional Language. Disfluency is discontinued speech or lowered quality and unfinished sentences. Stuttering is the involuntary repetition of sound. Figurative language is talking about one kind of thing, in terms of another. Introspection/Emotional language is speech conveying one’s inner thoughts and consciousness. Some quoted examples of disfluency from our data are: stuttering – “to-together?”, unfinished sentences – “I don’t know how, like…”, long pauses, and many “uhh”’s. Examples of figurative language from our data: “in the back of your head”, “in the back of your mind”, and “Like, as soon as our soul leaves our body, the vultures swoop in. Humans are basically, like, vultures, you know?”. Lastly, a few examples of introspective language from our data are: “What do you think is gonna happen when you die?”, and “Like I feel like, I believe in like, reincarnation a little bit…”.

We can see from our results that disfluency had the highest frequency among all of our volunteers. The rate of disfluency was about 2-3 times more frequent than both figurative language and introspection, except for volunteer two, who had much less disfluency than the rest of the volunteers. Figurative language occurred the least, except for volunteer three. Though it only occurred slightly less than introspection/emotional language. Compared to our control data, all three of our variables were higher when participants had taken LSD. The most shocking difference was that of disfluency, which remains pretty low in our control data, and is extremely high (comparatively) in all of our volunteers once they had taken LSD.

Discussion and Conclusion

When beginning our research, we set out to find evidence that consumption of LSD had an impact on speech patterns. We assessed the variables of stuttering/disfluency, introspective/emotional speech, and the use of figurative language; across all modalities of our data collection, we found that there was an increased occurrence of all three variables.

One particularly important implication of this research is related to the subjects’ increase in the use of introspective and figurative language when under the influence of LSD. With the growing field of psychedelic-assisted therapy projected to double its global market value in the next four years, we believe it is important to steer this research in the direction of enhancing current protocols for talk therapy. LSD’s ability to invoke upon the user an uninhibited, vocalized train of thought, with a particular emphasis on sharing emotional memories, could prove to be extremely useful in therapeutic settings where there are feelings of shame around discussing certain events. Therapists who center their treatment on trauma-resolution and shifting a patient’s overall perspective on life may find LSD useful for broaching sensitive topics and eliciting relevant memories.

The linguistic effects of LSD demonstrate great potential for reimagining the scope of mental health research and how to treat individuals for which traditional therapeutic interventions have not been successful. We believe that, with further research into this field, large-scale changes can be implemented that will impact the lives of individuals across many different communities.

References

Bryła, M. (2022). What Conceptual Metaphors Appear in Texts on Psychedelics and Medicine? Corpus-Based Cognitive Study. Respectus Philologicus, 42(47), 154-166. https://doi.org/10.15388/RESPECTUS.2022.42.47.115

Krebs, T. S., & Johansen, P.-Ø. (2013). Over 30 million psychedelic users in the United States. F1000Research, 2, 98. https://doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.2-98.v1

Sanz, C., Pallavicini, C., Carrillo, F., Zamberlan, F., Sigman, M., Mota, N., Copelli, M., Ribeiro, S., Nutt, D., Carhart-Harris, R., & Tagliazucchi, E. (2021). The entropic tongue: Disorganization of natural language under LSD. Consciousness and Cognition, 87, 103070. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.concog.2020.103070

Wießner, I., Falchi, M., Daldegan-Bueno, D., Palhano-Fontes, F., Olivieri, R., Feilding, A., B. Araujo, D., Ribeiro, S., Bezerra Mota, N., & Tófoli, L. F. (2023). LSD and language: Decreased structural connectivity, increased semantic similarity, changed vocabulary in healthy individuals. European Neuropsychopharmacology, 68, 89–104. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.euroneuro.2022.12.013

disfluency, figurative language, introspection, LSD, mental health, stuttering

The Experiences of Non-Native English Speakers at UCLA

Sociolinguistics

Christina Oghlian, Cia Evangelio, Nina Esteghlal, Rikuto Kawada, Yuka Tanaka

As a native speaker of a language, we never really stop to think about the experiences and challenges of those who are not native speakers. It is especially difficult for those who are studying in a foreign country where almost everyone is fluent in a different language than them. We decided to research what challenges international students face in order to gain a greater understanding of their experiences as non-native English speakers at an American university. In addition, we want to use the results of our findings to understand what resources are available for international students who are not English-proficient.

We conducted our research by interviewing 10 international students attending UCLA, 5 of which were male and 5 of which were female, about their English academic proficiency levels and their experiences in various social settings as non-native speakers. By creating more spaces where international students can meet one another or consult with fluent English speakers about difficulties they might have with the language, educational institutions can help their international students feel more safe and comfortable in both academic and social settings.

Introduction

Think about yourself living in other countries where people do not speak your native language. What would you feel, and what difficulties would you face? This curiosity makes us want to study how each international student struggles to live in other countries. We focus on the linguistic, social, and mental challenges that international students face during their study abroad experiences. Our research question is: “How does international students’ English proficiency affect their personal life to be fulfilling while they are studying abroad, and what are the difficulties for international students to achieve their ideal life in new countries?” We hypothesize that international students with higher proficiency in speaking English have more opportunities to socialize in groups. On the other hand, international students who have lower English proficiency will face more difficulties in socialization and having an awareness of their speaking English, increasing their anxieties while they are speaking English to native speakers.

Background

International students face new challenges in a new country. There can be many reasons and situations, such as the language barrier, socialization, and mental condition. Those challenges have a huge negative impact on international students in terms of their studying or speaking English. Many international students are willing to enhance their speaking skills and engage in new social interactions, such as engaging in conversation, making new friends, and so on, in the new countries they go to (Bernhard and Gregory, 2017). Depending on the individual international students, there are differences in these achievements to be different because their English proficiency will be affected.

The linguistic barrier can make people feel they are not in the conversation while people are speaking English because they cannot understand and speak out while people are using English. This can make international students feel socially excluded because of the differences in their English ability (Hilt, 2016). In addition, linguistic barriers are affecting not only the social life of international students but also their mental awareness of their English ability in many ways. While international students feel they are not good enough at speaking English, it can affect their feelings of anxiety (Idrissi, 2022). Moreover, the linguistic barrier can also affect international students’ confidence in speaking (Iris and Lopez, 2014). Therefore, English proficiency has a huge impact on the interactions with international students, their social lives, and their awareness of anxiety.

Methods

For our research study, we aim to interview 10 international UCLA students between the ages of 18-25. Out of the 10 international students, we will specifically interview 5 males and 5 females. Our research will examine how these international students face difficulties when they are speaking English to a native English speaker. Before the interview, the students will complete a Google form asking a couple of questions about their demographics, including identity, where they are from, previous schools they have attended, and for how long they have been attending UCLA. After completing the Google form, each participant will be notified with a follow-up interview and be asked questions based on their familiarity with English. The interviews will take approximately 30 minutes, and we will ask questions related to their knowledge of English, such as, “How comfortable are you speaking English”, “What is the most complicated part about speaking the English language”, “ How comfortable are you when slang is being used in conversation”, and “What linguistic features do you pay attention to when speaking with native speakers”. Based on the interview answers, we will analyze them to see what international students struggle with and which areas of linguistics they have difficulty understanding the most. We especially want to understand how international students have a difficult time with their English ability in social situations and mental interaction.

Results and Analysis

The results that we have found are quite intriguing. We conducted a total of nine interviews and created graphs to represent our findings. As represented on the charts, the demographic of our participants is a majority of Japanese participants followed by Indian, South Korean, and Armenian, as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1: Demographics of Participants within the Study

A large majority of the participants were exposed to English in high school– whether that be that they went to an international school or they had an integrative English course as represented through Figure 2.

Figure 2: Percentage of Participants who were exposed to English in High School

While conducting our research, we realized it was only fair that we separate international students from what was shown in Figure 2. Out of those international students that were exposed to English in high school, Figure 3 represents what they found the most difficult when participating in conversation with native English speakers.

Figure 3: What International Students with strong English proficiency struggle with

On the other hand, Figure 4 shows what international students that have lesser English proficiency struggle with. Interestingly, both international students with strong English proficiency and students with lower English proficiency are most conscious about pronunciation.

Figure 4: What International Students with lesser English proficiency struggle with

The results show that the international students that have a strong English-speaking background are most likely to feel comfortable speaking English to individuals, and group settings however, international students with no English background feel less comfortable. International students have more difficulty grasping English morphological and syntactic structures due to the complicated grammatical structures that are used in academic settings. The use of slang terms and pop culture usually in social and school settings often would give international students confusion. Most international students mentioned how they struggled understanding slang terms and pop culture and that they are still learning.

Discussion and Conclusions

Previous studies have shown that the ability to speak English is highly related to one’s involvement with the surrounding environment in which he or she grew up. The results show that international students who received an academic English education before entering university are almost as confident and comfortable with their English skills as native English speakers, whereas international students who did not receive much English education before entering university are a little more hesitant to speak English. As our research indicates, they may feel anxious or difficult to speak depending on their proficiency in English and may feel that they do not belong in that group.

Moreover, our study allows us to speculate that difficulties in grasping specific and unique syntactic structures, such as pop culture references, may have an impact on the minds and bodies of international students. While it is difficult to draw conclusions, this phenomenon may be true for many international students who did not receive much English education before college. Proficiency in English is a necessary skill for international students to adapt to social life, but confusion often arises when slang and pop culture references are mixed in. Therefore, it could be argued that international students hang out with other international students to avoid being excluded because of differences in fluency or proficiency that they do not possess compared to native English speakers. This research can be applied to various university communication settings to help understand how to properly engage with international students and what type of environment is most effective for language learning.

References

Alkhammash, R. (2022). Processing figurative language: Evidence from native and non-native speakers of English. Frontiers in Psychology, 13, 1057662–1057662. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.105766

Drljaca Margic, B. (2017). Communication courtesy or condescension? Linguistic accommodation of native to non-native speakers of English. Journal of English as a Lingua Franca, 6(1), 29–55. https://doi.org/10.1515/jelf-2017-0006

Halic, O., Greenberg, K. H., & Paulus, T. M. (2009). Language and Academic Identity: A study of the experiences of Non-Native English speaking international students. International Education, 38(2), 73–93.

Hilt, L. T. (2016). Education without a shared language: Dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in Norwegian introductory classes for newly arrived minority language students. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 21(6), 585–601. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2016.1223179

Idrissi, O. (2022). Anxiety as a psychological barrier to students’ speaking fluency: IELTS as a case study. International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation, 5(12), 111–120. https://doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2022.5.12.14

Jessen, A., Festman, J., Boxell, O., & Felser, C. (2017). Native and Non-native Speakers’ Brain Responses to Filled Indirect Object Gaps. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 46(5), 1319–1338. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10936-017-9496-9

Lopez, I. Y., & Bui, N. H. (2014). Acculturation and linguistic factors on international students’ self-esteem and language confidence. Journal of International Students, 4(4), 314–329. https://doi.org/10.32674/jis.v4i4.451

Streitwieser, B. T., & Light, G. J. (2017). Student conceptions of international experience in the study abroad context. Higher Education, 75(3), 471–487. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-017-0150-0

Yu, X., & Peters, B. (2019). Let All Voices Be Heard!: Exploring International Students’ Communication Challenges in the Internationalized Classroom. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Education, 8(1), 107–116. https://doi.org/10.32674/jise.v8i1.1080

Cross-referencing relevant info: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=na04NxGZuKU

English, International Students, language barriers, language proficiency, social integration

All Jokes Aside – Indexing Gender and Race in Stand-Up Comedy

Sociolinguistics

Ammi Lane-Volz, Cate Dark, Ava Kaiser, Grace Shoemaker, Alex Farfan

As playful and harmless as something titled “comedy” can seem, the political and cultural implications of what is deemed funny are not insignificant. From stand-up performance to jokes around the water cooler, comedy is used as a tool to socially bond, establish hierarchy, critique global affairs, and index identity. Our project set out to explore how stand-up comedians index their identities through mimicry, contrast, and slurs, specifically focusing on how they index themselves as part of versus separate from gendered and racial groups. We studied the specials of ten stand-up comedians from the Netflix series The Standups to see if they more often tended to align their identities through references to their own demographics (in-group indexing) or through references to outside groups (out-group indexing). We found several patterns that emerged, including higher instances of non-white comedians mentioning their race (three times more often), 60% of which consisted of in-group indexing. We also found the opposite to be true for gender, with men referencing gender almost twice as often as the female comedians, 55% of which consisted of out-group indexing. These patterns invite several follow-up questions on the different tactics comedians use when writing their sets and how their choices might be influenced by their place in society and membership of different social majority or minority groups.

Introduction and Background

Comedy holds significant cultural influence, serving both as a mirror reflecting societal norms and as a tool for challenging them. We identified a notable gap in research relating to how stand-up comedians utilize their demographic backgrounds. A study done on representations of race and gender within Comedy Central programming found that although the channel has made an effort to expand its brand by employing more female and racially diverse comedians, the type of jokes found within these skits reinforce power dynamics and white heteronormative masculinity (Marx 2016). Another study on stand-up comedy and cultural spread argued that stand-up comedians are able to reinforce and/or challenge existing cultural stereotypes through their sets, both within the comedic monologues themselves and in the audience’s minds (Yus 2002). Based on this research, it is evident that a comedian’s own demographic information, specifically gender and race, can play a role in the creation or reinforcement of stereotypes in comedy. Yet none of these studies discuss the ways in which comedians index their own demographics. To fill this gap, we wanted to answer the question of how comedians navigate indexing their identities by looking at the frequency of in-group versus out-group demographic references and how these references connect to broader social contexts.

Methods

For our analysis, we chose to look at ten thirty-minute stand-up specials from seasons two and three of the Netflix series The Standups. Each episode of this show focuses on a different stand-up comedian. Comedians from this show are of moderate acclaim, meaning their sets are polished (i.e. representative of a “standard” professional stand-up comedian) but the researchers and the general public may not know the comedians by name. Choosing specials from this show allowed for some standardization of the audience and venue, and provided us with a broader view of multiple professional stand-up comedians than just analyzing one or two longer specials.

Each researcher looked at two randomly chosen specials and noted each time that a comedian mentioned their own identity demographic (race, gender, sexuality, political affiliation, class, and age) and each time they made a comparison to another demographic. These comparisons included strategies like direct comparison or mimicry of another demographic’s accent or physical mannerisms. We also noted each time a comedian said a slur related to their own identity demographic and each time they said a slur related to a different demographic. Based on our preliminary data, we decided to whittle down our focus from the six demographic categories mentioned above to just race and gender. Within these categories, we split them into white vs. marginalized racial identity and men vs. women, respectively. It is also important to note that our sample was evenly split in terms of gender (five men, five women) and race (five white comedians, five comedians of color).

Data and Analysis

Using the data we collected for each comedian, we generated the following figures that summarize our findings:

Figure 1: Total Number of References Made by Each Comedian to Their Own Demographics

Figure 2: Total Number of Comparisons Made by Each Comedian to Another Demographic

As seen in Figure 1 and Figure 2, comedians tend to reference and compare their gender and race significantly more than age, class, sexuality, or political affiliation. Using this information, we were able to narrow our analysis to focus on this key demographic data.

Figure 3: Total Number of Male Vs. Females References to Gender

Figure 3 demonstrates that male comedians were much more likely to reference gender to index their identities, with comparison to another gender being the most common reference type.

Figure 4: Total Number of White Vs. Racial Minority References to Race

Figure 4 indicates that racial minority comedians referenced race about three times more than white comedians, with references to their own race being the most common reference type.

Figure 5: Average Intersectional (Race and Gender) References to Gender

Figure 5 indicates that white men were about two times more likely to reference gender than any other demographic combination.

Figure 6: Average Intersectional (Race and Gender) References to Race

Figure 6 shows that minority men were three times more likely to reference their own race than any other combination of race and gender.

Figure 7: Total Number of Slurs Related to Comedian’s Own Demographic

Figure 8: Total Number of Slurs Unrelated to Comedian’s Own Demographics

Figure 7 shows the large majority of self-referential demographic slurs were race-related, as Black comedians tended to use the n-word multiple times in their sets. Figure 8 shows that out-group related demographic slurs were slurs related to gender and other demographics; none were race-related.

Raw Data

anthroling comedy data

Discussion

Based on our data and outside research, the frequency with which comedians index their race and gender within their sets may be linked to a few different social phenomena.

The finding that white men are more likely to index their gender identity in their comedic routines may suggest that male comedians feel compelled to incorporate their gender identity into their comedy routines, or that they find this to be more socially acceptable than women. This could reflect broader gender expectations where men are often encouraged to assert their masculinity or draw attention to their gender in public spaces (McVittie et al., 2017). Racial minority comedians’ tendency to reference their minority status could indicate a desire to confront stereotypes, draw attention to racial issues, or establish a unique comedic identity. This could stem from personal experiences of marginalization or a sense of responsibility to address racial dynamics in their performances (Sullivan et al., 2021). Additionally, the observation that power dominant demographics (white, men) more commonly used comparison than their marginalized counterparts could imply that those in positions of power feel more comfortable using comparison as a comedic tool. This could be because they have greater societal latitude to freely express themselves without fear of repercussions (Tobore, 2023). By using comparison, minority comedians risk reinforcing existing power dynamics and societal hierarchies where masculinity and whiteness are considered the norm. For a minority comedian, refraining from such comparisons can be a way to affirm their own racial or cultural identity without centering whiteness as a point of reference. Finally, the fact that gendered slurs were employed by out-group comedians, while race based slurs were only used by in-group racial minority comedians suggests a greater societal awareness or sensitivity towards racial issues than gender issues. This may stem from a recognition of the historical and ongoing harm caused by racial slurs (Wilson, 2020). Overall, our findings underscore how the comedy stage becomes a microcosm for broader societal interactions and power relations. The act of indexing one’s identity in comedy can serve as a means of negotiating power, identity, and belonging within a societal context that is stratified along lines of race, gender, and sexuality.

In general, comedy does not merely reflect the social order but actively participates in its construction and perpetuation. The comedian’s role in creating a “social contract” with the audience, wherein their narratives and identities are validated, highlights the performative aspect of social identity and the power of narrative in shaping reality. The audience is also not merely a passive receiver of comedy; they have agency in choosing where to laugh and where not to laugh. They are then an active participant in the co-creation of the comedic experience and, by extension, the social norms and power dynamics it reinforces or challenges.

Conclusion

This research underscores the potential of comedy as a site of social commentary and critique. While comedy can perpetuate stereotypes and power imbalances, it also holds the potential for subversion. Comedians who are aware of the power dynamics at play in their performances can use humor to challenge societal norms, question stereotypes, and imagine new ways of being.

In framing our findings within the broader context of power relations, language, and agency, we contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of comedy in society. This opens up important discussions about the responsibilities of comedians and audiences alike in shaping the social discourse through humor. It also suggests avenues for further research into how comedy can be used as a tool for social change, by both reinforcing and challenging the status quo.

References

Marx, N. (2016). Expanding the brand: Race, gender, and the post-politics of representation on Comedy Central. Television & New Media, 17(3), 272–287. https://doi.org/10.1177/1527476415577212

Miller, T. (Producer). (2017-2021). The Standups [TV Series]. Netflix. https://www.netflix.com/browse?jbv=80175685

McVittie, C., Hepworth, J., & Goodall, K. (2017). Masculinities and health. The Psychology of Gender and Health, 119–141. https://doi.org/10.1016/b978-0-12-803864-2.00004-3

Sullivan, J. N., Eberhardt, J. L., & Roberts, S. O. (2021). Conversations about race in black and white US families: Before and after George Floyd’s death. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118(38). https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2106366118

Tobore, T. O. (2023). On power and its corrupting effects: The effects of power on human behavior and the limits of Accountability Systems. Communicative & Integrative Biology, 16(1). https://doi.org/10.1080/19420889.2023.2246793

Wilson, C. (2020, October 4). N-word: The troubled history of the racial slur. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/stories-53749800

Yus, Francisco. (2002). Stand-up comedy and cultural spread: The case of sex roles. Babel A.F.I.A.L.. special issue on humour studies. 245-294. https://personal.ua.es/francisco.yus/site/Afial.pdf

Comedy, gender, identity, indexing, power dynamics, Race, slurs

Spanglish – The Art of Code-Switching

Bilingualism

Devan, Jessica Jary, Malia Salgado, Mao Mao, Valeria Carreon

In Hispanic neighborhoods, “Spanglish”— a linguistic practice that combines Spanish and English—has gained popularity as a way to communicate, even if some people do not realize that it involves code-switching. While the Chicanx and Latinx community is made up of people from a wide range of backgrounds, most of them are Spanish-English bilingual. In this research project, our group sought to investigate that when they are being interviewed, whether the Spanglish bilingual individuals would tend to code-switch, or rely heavily on one specific language while still understanding the other. We chose this research focus because we believe that studying the connection between the mixing of languages and the topic of conversation, as well as finding how often speakers code-switch, can help other Spanish-English bilingual speakers learn the semantics behind each individual code switch, thus breaking language barriers. We hypothesized that because of the participants’ daily reliance on both English and Spanish, code-switching via Spanglish would be prevalent in the interviews we conducted.

Methods

In order to test our hypothesis, we decided to interview five to ten individuals who are able to understand English and Spanish and speak both languages to varying degrees of fluency. Our interviews consisted of ten questions, five were asked in English and the other five were asked in Spanish. The participants were interviewed individually in various environments and locations, and through various methods including questionnaires, phone interviews, recorded disputes, and gossip interviews. The age range of our participants is from 18 to 55. All of them come from Mexican households and are either first or second-generation immigrants, but all described themselves as bilinguals and having spent the majority of their lives in the United States. Our younger interviewees have all lived in the United States for their entire lives and have learned Spanish from the older generations, whereas the older interviewees all immigrated to the United States in search of a better future, and they picked up English after their immigration. Nevertheless, our research is able to determine that members of this community code-switch and employ Spanish in their everyday lives, despite the fact that these participants come from very diverse origins. For the interviews that were specifically on ages 18-25, we noticed a more noticeable code-switching when answering the question. For our tables below we witness that younger interviewees felt more comfortable jumping in between languages. They use more words like “pues” “ósea” “si” “no”. Another example we can look at is this dialogue that was said during the interview by a 19-year-old.

Question: “What do you wanna be when you grow up?”

Answer : “ Social media marketing, algo asi”

Question: “What was your favorite childhood meal?”

Answer: “Rice and beans, revueltos?”

Question: “Cual es tu vacación ideal?”

Answer: “ Tropical area in a small town and like an ocean front house, view”

Question: “La mejor fiesta que haz tenido?”

Answer: “When I was eighteen”

Figure 1: Uses of Spanish, English, and Spanglish among interviewees

Whilst interviewing our older interviewees between the ages of 35-55, we noticed that these individuals tended to try to stick to speaking one language whilst answering the questions. 3 out of 4 of the interviewees in this category that we interviewed chose to answer all questions in English even though their native language is Spanish. As a result of Spanish being their dominant language whilst answering the 10 questions, these interviewees struggled quite a bit while trying to come up with English responses. Even though they were struggling, these 3 individuals stuck to answering in English even though they understood they could answer questions in Spanish, which we can see in the example below.

(During the beginning of an interview, she started speaking English and stated “My name is” before proceeding to tell me she would much rather speak en Español/ in Spanish. Additionally, she usually answered the questions I asked in English in the same language) :

First question

Question: What did you want to be when you grew up?

Answer: “Nurse”

Question: “Why did you want to be a nurse?”

Answer: “Because I like it. Take care of the kids.”

Second question

Answer: “Chile rellenos, rice, and beans”

Question: “Why do you like rice and beans? What do you like about them?”

Answer: “Because my mother show me how to make it when I was little kid.”

Third question

Answer: “My plan for tomorrow. Work. I have to work.”

Fourth question

Answer: “Aliens– That’s not real. I don’t believe in that.”

Fifth question

Answer: “Sunday– When i’m not working I go to the church with my sister sometime.”

Question: “Do you like going to church?”

Answer: “Yea”

With this, we concluded, and observed distinct dynamics in the nature of conversation for interviewees, which prompted us to make adjustments throughout the process. Notably, individuals aged 30 and above, primarily parents or older adults, approached the interviews with a more formal tone. They consistently responded in the language the question was initially posed, even if English presented some challenges for them. However, the interactions with friends and close family members, ranging from 18 to 25 years old, established a more relaxed atmosphere. This rise in comfort level led to much more frequent code-switching for the older adults, as they seamlessly shifted between the two languages. Recognizing that a strict question-and-answer format might yield more formal responses, we decided to incorporate recorded conversations on various topics. Subsequently, our findings indicated that the frequency of code-switching was less influenced by the relationship dynamics and more by the nature of the conversation topic. This discovery led us to uncover numerous instances of code-switching in these recorded discussions.

Discussion and Conclusions

Overall, our research successfully validated our hypothesis through multiple avenues of investigation. Notably, we demonstrated that Spanish-English bilingual speakers transition between codes more often than they may think. Moreover, a pattern surfaced during our research: participants tended to match the language used in the responses in formal interviews that were organized around predetermined questions. Nevertheless, in more relaxed conversational contexts, this pattern did not continue. Instead, participants were able to switch between languages with ease in familiar settings, even mixing vocabulary from both linguistic domains. This highlights the profound interacting influence of Hispanic culture and American culture on the Spanglish bilingual speakers, and showcases the intricate dynamics of living with two languages daily. It further underscores the evolution of Spanglish as a unique linguistic bridge, allowing us to forge a connection between both languages. Moreover, it emphasizes the significant presence of the Spanglish-speaking community, providing a touching connection to their ancestral roots while fostering a sense of closeness to the newly found home.

bilinguals, Code-Switching, Spanglish

Navigating New Worlds: The Role of English Proficiency in the Social Integration of Chinese International Students at UCLA

Sociolinguistics

Rista White, Yue Yu (Elena), Nadia Ruiz, Brianna Sobrero, Ruby Jimenez

The present study investigated whether Chinese international students (CIS) attending the University of California, Los Angeles, with high self-reported English proficiency, experience easier social integration and comfortably form more friendships with domestic students. CISs comprise the largest group of international students at UCLA, and this considerable demographic experiences various unique sociolinguistic challenges while adjusting to American university life. To answer this question, we analyzed 13 questionnaire responses that we received from individuals who identified as CISs attending UCLA. Subsequently, four respondents agreed to interviews where we learned more about their personal experiences. The findings show that greater self-reported English competence among UCLA CISs positively correlates with easier social integration and a wider variety of friendships. Given the growing population and trend of international study, these findings are helpful for the university and student organizations to consider when creating programs to improve the experience of CISs attending UCLA.

Introduction and Background

Recognizing that international students may face more struggles than ordinary American university students is important. International students come to a foreign country on a student visa or permit to pursue education, and the US has many such students (Sin et al., 2021). Our research investigates the relationship between English proficiency and social interactions and the impact of language barriers on CIS’s ability to communicate effectively with peers at UCLA. By understanding these aspects, we hope to shed light on the diverse struggles of CISs and provide insights into how English proficiency can affect their sense of culture and belonging in a foreign country.

Each year, the number of CISs in the United States increases as more students from China come to the U.S. to pursue higher education. These students often find themselves encountering a common barrier: English proficiency. Despite the significant role of English proficiency in social integration, this correlation is often overlooked. Several studies have researched second-language acquisition among international students and how it affects their academic and personal lives in the United States. However, few studies specifically study the direct correlation between proficiency in English as a second language and socialization in American universities, despite its significant influence on academic performance and social integration. Limited proficiency in the host language diminishes students’ satisfaction by impeding their ability to communicate, socialize, and comprehend lectures in academic settings (Campbell & Li, 2008, as cited in Wilczewski & Alon, 2023).

Studies also emphasize that international students are frequently prevented from mingling with American peers because of their limited exposure to American culture and language, leading them to primarily socialize with fellow international students (Liu & Dong, 2019; Moglen, 2017, as cited in Garrison & Chang-Tran, 2023). International students tend to predominantly socialize with peers from their own cultural backgrounds while rarely engaging with domestic individuals or students from different cultural backgrounds, largely due to language barriers (Wang & Zhou, 2021).

In his TedTalk, Miga Xie (2020), recounted that he was told by his mother to stay away from other Chinese children. She believed that the way to get the most out of American education and improve spoken English was by minimizing contact with those of similar backgrounds. Miga explains that he eventually overcame the feeling of assimilating into American student culture and avoiding his culture. Xie understands that most CIS feel more comfortable around people with the same background. Still, because of the unique guidance received from his mother, he suggests that CISs should value their diversity and use it to engage in cross-cultural conversations rather than feeling obligated to socialize exclusively with people who look like them or fully assimilate into American culture.

These studies and stories collectively demonstrate the importance of second-language proficiency in facilitating social interaction with domestic students, as insufficient proficiency often leads international students to socialize within their own international student community. Higher levels of second-language proficiency facilitate more extensive and smoother socialization experiences. While the body of existing studies reinforces our hypothesis, our research narrows its focus to UCLA as the setting and English as the specific second language, with a particular emphasis on CIS. Our study addresses a significant gap in the literature by examining the relationship between English proficiency levels and socialization in American universities.

Methods

We followed a mixed-method research design. Specifically, we utilized the facilitation approach, a process involving two research methods, using one strategy to expand on the results of another strategy (Young, 2015). Beginning with a quantitative method, we created a questionnaire on Google Forms with four sections, two of which were close-ended, to acquire data concerning CIS’s self-reported English proficiency and social connections relating to a sense of belonging. We shared the questionnaire in a group chat for CIS attending UCLA on WeChat, a dominant Chinese messaging application. After receiving 13 responses, we emailed all respondents to schedule an interview, and only four agreed. So, to take a more engaging approach, we followed up with the four people to perform semi-structured interviews. We divided our twelve open-ended interview questions into four sections: Experiences with English and Social Integration, Challenges and Strategies, Social Networks and Sense of Belonging, and Institutional Support and Suggestions.

Data Analysis and Results

Through our close-ended survey responses, the results of one of our questions stood out to us (Figure 1). Most respondents, eight to be exact, said yes to having faced challenges making friends due to language barriers. The eight responses add value to our research, confirming the plausibility of a correlation between English language proficiency and social integration.

Fig. 1: Question 11 of Section 4, Social Connections and Sense of Belonging in our Google Form questionnaire

Interviews were recorded with participant consent. The interview transcripts were then analyzed using an interpretive analysis approach. This style of interview deconstruction consists of multiple read-throughs of interview transcripts (Hatch, 2002). The first read-throughs emphasized looking for major themes and were carried out individually. We searched for patterns and relationships within these themes on the second read-through. Then, insights were shared with other research group members, and a comparative approach was adopted. Finally, we describe emerging patterns across interviews in short sentences and connect them to supportive excerpts. This left us with bite-sized takeaways supported by evidence that we can easily connect to the preexisting sociolinguistic literature on international students.

The three emerging themes are shown in Figure 2. Theme 1: higher self-reported English proficiency corresponded with having more non-Chinese international student friends. Theme 2: most interviewees wished they had more resources on campus. Lastly, in theme 3, students reported some adversity/awkward situations due to their English proficiency.

Fig. 2: Flow chart created to organize themes

Discussion and Conclusions

Three main themes emerged after evaluating the data collected by the survey and interviews. The first theme was that participants with a higher self-reported English proficiency tended to correspond with their response to having more non-Chinese international student friends. Implying that the participants felt that having a more proficient level of English helped them establish connections with non-Chinese individuals. Secondly, most, if not all, interviewees explained they wished there were more resources for them on campus. Some of these resources included the possibility of a mentor or a CIS club. This suggests that there is ample opportunity for UCLA to offer greater support to its international Chinese students and help international students create their own programs based on their needs. The final theme was that all the students reported some adversity or awkward situations resulting from their English proficiency.

While analyzing the data gathered from this study, we kept some important details in mind to help us understand our collection and conclusions. Our survey and interviews were based on self-reported proficiency levels rather than an actual language test, meaning the results are based more on a self-reported confidence level in their proficiency.

While attempting to conduct our interviews to gather more data, we found ourselves with a few limitations. One limitation was the lack of preliminary survey respondents who were willing to participate in a secondary interview. Our goal was to conduct five interviews. We secured three easily, but the other two were more difficult. Another limitation was the time available to explore our research question. With greater time, we could have spent more time collecting and examining more data.

In closing, after we analyzed the personal experiences of CIS at UCLA, we have been able to gather a better understanding of the relationship between English proficiency and the ease of social integration. We completed our research with the takeaway that there is a connection between language proficiency and socialization. Slang and cultural references are common difficulties, even with high fluency, and most people have created ideas on how to improve the international student experience. With future research, larger data samples could reveal more about these connections and other insights. Through the lens of these personal stories, we are not just uncovering challenges but also paving the way for a future where every student’s voice is heard.

References

Garrison, Y., Park, S., Yeung, C. W., Li, Z., Ho, Y. C. S., & Chang-Tran, J. (2023). The social class worldviews of Chinese international students in the United States. Journal of International Students, 13(1), 40-58.

Hatch, J. A. (2002). Doing Qualitative Research in Education Settings: Analyzing Qualitative
Data. (pp, 185-224). State University of New York Press.

Sin, C., Tavares, O., Aguiar, J., Biscaia, R., & Amaral, A. (2021). International students in Portuguese higher education: who are they and what are their choices? Studies in Higher Education, 47(7), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2021.1916907

Wang, P. & Zhou, G. (2021). A Study Of Chinese International Student Dropout: Acculturation Experiences And Challenges In A Pre-University English Language Improvement Program. McGill Journal of Education / Revue des sciences de l’éducation de McGill, 56(1), 52–70. https://doi.org/10.7202/1087048ar

Wilczewski, M., & Alon, I. (2023). Language and communication in international students’ adaptation: a bibliometric and content analysis review. Higher Education, 85(6), 1235–1256. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-022-00888-8

Xie, M. (2020, February). (Don’t) Talk to the Chinese Kids: My Journey with Diversity. and Inclusion [Video]. TEDxEmory. https://www.ted.com/talks/miga_xie_don_t_talk_to_the_chinese_kids_my_journey_with_diversity_and_inclusion?utm_campaign=tedspread&utm_medium=referral&utm_source=tedcomshare

Young, T. J. (2015). Questionnaires and Surveys. Research Methods in Intercultural Communication, 163–180. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119166283.ch11

English, International Students, language proficiency, social integration